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Your answers to questions 33 to 37 must be based
on the text below, which is entitled "Young, liberal
and in command":
Young, liberal and in command
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 16, 2004 (Adapted)
On Thursday April 15th, the challengers won a
crucial battle in their bid to overturn South Korea's
conservative, elitist and business-driven political
system. . (1) the country's voters . (1.1) able to
choose their leaders freely since the late 1980s, many
of them, especially younger ones, still consider their
brand of democracy to be corrupt, outdated and unfair.
Many of the discontented admit . (2) enjoyed the
comforts that decades of market-friendly policies and
high growth have delivered. But they resent the . (3)
and . (3.1) dominance of giant family-controlled
business conglomerates, known as chaebol. Their
feelings towards the United States, a crucial ally, range
from ambivalent to hostile, and they would rather . (4)
with North Korean threats by placating its prickly regime
than by standing up to it. And now, they have convinced
mainstream voters to let them . (5) the country for the
next four years.
Analyze the following grammatical alternatives in order
to choose the appropriate one to fill in each of the
numbered gaps:
Your answers to questions 33 to 37 must be based
on the text below, which is entitled "Young, liberal
and in command":
Young, liberal and in command
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 16, 2004 (Adapted)
On Thursday April 15th, the challengers won a
crucial battle in their bid to overturn South Korea's
conservative, elitist and business-driven political
system. . (1) the country's voters . (1.1) able to
choose their leaders freely since the late 1980s, many
of them, especially younger ones, still consider their
brand of democracy to be corrupt, outdated and unfair.
Many of the discontented admit . (2) enjoyed the
comforts that decades of market-friendly policies and
high growth have delivered. But they resent the . (3)
and . (3.1) dominance of giant family-controlled
business conglomerates, known as chaebol. Their
feelings towards the United States, a crucial ally, range
from ambivalent to hostile, and they would rather . (4)
with North Korean threats by placating its prickly regime
than by standing up to it. And now, they have convinced
mainstream voters to let them . (5) the country for the
next four years.
Analyze the following grammatical alternatives in order
to choose the appropriate one to fill in each of the
numbered gaps:
Your answers to questions 33 to 37 must be based
on the text below, which is entitled "Young, liberal
and in command":
Young, liberal and in command
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 16, 2004 (Adapted)
On Thursday April 15th, the challengers won a
crucial battle in their bid to overturn South Korea's
conservative, elitist and business-driven political
system. . (1) the country's voters . (1.1) able to
choose their leaders freely since the late 1980s, many
of them, especially younger ones, still consider their
brand of democracy to be corrupt, outdated and unfair.
Many of the discontented admit . (2) enjoyed the
comforts that decades of market-friendly policies and
high growth have delivered. But they resent the . (3)
and . (3.1) dominance of giant family-controlled
business conglomerates, known as chaebol. Their
feelings towards the United States, a crucial ally, range
from ambivalent to hostile, and they would rather . (4)
with North Korean threats by placating its prickly regime
than by standing up to it. And now, they have convinced
mainstream voters to let them . (5) the country for the
next four years.
Analyze the following grammatical alternatives in order
to choose the appropriate one to fill in each of the
numbered gaps:
Your answers to questions 33 to 37 must be based
on the text below, which is entitled "Young, liberal
and in command":
Young, liberal and in command
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 16, 2004 (Adapted)
On Thursday April 15th, the challengers won a
crucial battle in their bid to overturn South Korea's
conservative, elitist and business-driven political
system. . (1) the country's voters . (1.1) able to
choose their leaders freely since the late 1980s, many
of them, especially younger ones, still consider their
brand of democracy to be corrupt, outdated and unfair.
Many of the discontented admit . (2) enjoyed the
comforts that decades of market-friendly policies and
high growth have delivered. But they resent the . (3)
and . (3.1) dominance of giant family-controlled
business conglomerates, known as chaebol. Their
feelings towards the United States, a crucial ally, range
from ambivalent to hostile, and they would rather . (4)
with North Korean threats by placating its prickly regime
than by standing up to it. And now, they have convinced
mainstream voters to let them . (5) the country for the
next four years.
Analyze the following grammatical alternatives in order
to choose the appropriate one to fill in each of the
numbered gaps:
Your answers to questions 33 to 37 must be based
on the text below, which is entitled "Young, liberal
and in command":
Young, liberal and in command
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 16, 2004 (Adapted)
On Thursday April 15th, the challengers won a
crucial battle in their bid to overturn South Korea's
conservative, elitist and business-driven political
system. . (1) the country's voters . (1.1) able to
choose their leaders freely since the late 1980s, many
of them, especially younger ones, still consider their
brand of democracy to be corrupt, outdated and unfair.
Many of the discontented admit . (2) enjoyed the
comforts that decades of market-friendly policies and
high growth have delivered. But they resent the . (3)
and . (3.1) dominance of giant family-controlled
business conglomerates, known as chaebol. Their
feelings towards the United States, a crucial ally, range
from ambivalent to hostile, and they would rather . (4)
with North Korean threats by placating its prickly regime
than by standing up to it. And now, they have convinced
mainstream voters to let them . (5) the country for the
next four years.
Analyze the following grammatical alternatives in order
to choose the appropriate one to fill in each of the
numbered gaps:
on the text below, which is entitled "Sharon pushes
ahead, regardless":
Sharon pushes ahead, regardless
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 19, 2004 (Adapted)
Following his fruitful visit to the White House last
week, Israel's prime minister, Ariel Sharon, has returned
home to push ahead with his plan for a "unilateral
disengagement". The plan involves abandoning the
Gaza strip by the end of next year while keeping "for all
eternity" some chunks of the West Bank where there
are already large Jewish settlements. It also includes
continuing (in public at least) to express an interest in
reaching a diplomatic solution with Palestinian
moderates but striking hard at military groups. In pursuit
of the latter part of Sharon's plan, on Saturday April
17th, an Israeli attack helicopter blew up a car carrying
Abdel-Aziz Rantisi, who had become Hamas's chief
after an Israeli attack last month killed the Islamist
militant group's previous leader, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin.
Since Saturday's attack, Mr Sharon has won the
backing of three influential Israeli ministers for the
proposed Gaza pull-out.
The assassination of Dr Rantisi (shortly after a
Palestinian suicide bomber had killed an Israeli soldier
at the main crossing into Gaza) drew outright
condemnation from the United Nations, the European
Union and Russia - three of the four members of the
"Quartet" that drew up the now-tattered "road map"
towards peace between Israel and the Palestinians.
on the text below, which is entitled "Sharon pushes
ahead, regardless":
Sharon pushes ahead, regardless
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 19, 2004 (Adapted)
Following his fruitful visit to the White House last
week, Israel's prime minister, Ariel Sharon, has returned
home to push ahead with his plan for a "unilateral
disengagement". The plan involves abandoning the
Gaza strip by the end of next year while keeping "for all
eternity" some chunks of the West Bank where there
are already large Jewish settlements. It also includes
continuing (in public at least) to express an interest in
reaching a diplomatic solution with Palestinian
moderates but striking hard at military groups. In pursuit
of the latter part of Sharon's plan, on Saturday April
17th, an Israeli attack helicopter blew up a car carrying
Abdel-Aziz Rantisi, who had become Hamas's chief
after an Israeli attack last month killed the Islamist
militant group's previous leader, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin.
Since Saturday's attack, Mr Sharon has won the
backing of three influential Israeli ministers for the
proposed Gaza pull-out.
The assassination of Dr Rantisi (shortly after a
Palestinian suicide bomber had killed an Israeli soldier
at the main crossing into Gaza) drew outright
condemnation from the United Nations, the European
Union and Russia - three of the four members of the
"Quartet" that drew up the now-tattered "road map"
towards peace between Israel and the Palestinians.
on the text below, which is entitled "Sharon pushes
ahead, regardless":
Sharon pushes ahead, regardless
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 19, 2004 (Adapted)
Following his fruitful visit to the White House last
week, Israel's prime minister, Ariel Sharon, has returned
home to push ahead with his plan for a "unilateral
disengagement". The plan involves abandoning the
Gaza strip by the end of next year while keeping "for all
eternity" some chunks of the West Bank where there
are already large Jewish settlements. It also includes
continuing (in public at least) to express an interest in
reaching a diplomatic solution with Palestinian
moderates but striking hard at military groups. In pursuit
of the latter part of Sharon's plan, on Saturday April
17th, an Israeli attack helicopter blew up a car carrying
Abdel-Aziz Rantisi, who had become Hamas's chief
after an Israeli attack last month killed the Islamist
militant group's previous leader, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin.
Since Saturday's attack, Mr Sharon has won the
backing of three influential Israeli ministers for the
proposed Gaza pull-out.
The assassination of Dr Rantisi (shortly after a
Palestinian suicide bomber had killed an Israeli soldier
at the main crossing into Gaza) drew outright
condemnation from the United Nations, the European
Union and Russia - three of the four members of the
"Quartet" that drew up the now-tattered "road map"
towards peace between Israel and the Palestinians.
on the text below, which is entitled "Sharon pushes
ahead, regardless":
Sharon pushes ahead, regardless
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 19, 2004 (Adapted)
Following his fruitful visit to the White House last
week, Israel's prime minister, Ariel Sharon, has returned
home to push ahead with his plan for a "unilateral
disengagement". The plan involves abandoning the
Gaza strip by the end of next year while keeping "for all
eternity" some chunks of the West Bank where there
are already large Jewish settlements. It also includes
continuing (in public at least) to express an interest in
reaching a diplomatic solution with Palestinian
moderates but striking hard at military groups. In pursuit
of the latter part of Sharon's plan, on Saturday April
17th, an Israeli attack helicopter blew up a car carrying
Abdel-Aziz Rantisi, who had become Hamas's chief
after an Israeli attack last month killed the Islamist
militant group's previous leader, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin.
Since Saturday's attack, Mr Sharon has won the
backing of three influential Israeli ministers for the
proposed Gaza pull-out.
The assassination of Dr Rantisi (shortly after a
Palestinian suicide bomber had killed an Israeli soldier
at the main crossing into Gaza) drew outright
condemnation from the United Nations, the European
Union and Russia - three of the four members of the
"Quartet" that drew up the now-tattered "road map"
towards peace between Israel and the Palestinians.
on the text below, which is entitled "Sharon pushes
ahead, regardless":
Sharon pushes ahead, regardless
Source: www.economist.co.uk
April 19, 2004 (Adapted)
Following his fruitful visit to the White House last
week, Israel's prime minister, Ariel Sharon, has returned
home to push ahead with his plan for a "unilateral
disengagement". The plan involves abandoning the
Gaza strip by the end of next year while keeping "for all
eternity" some chunks of the West Bank where there
are already large Jewish settlements. It also includes
continuing (in public at least) to express an interest in
reaching a diplomatic solution with Palestinian
moderates but striking hard at military groups. In pursuit
of the latter part of Sharon's plan, on Saturday April
17th, an Israeli attack helicopter blew up a car carrying
Abdel-Aziz Rantisi, who had become Hamas's chief
after an Israeli attack last month killed the Islamist
militant group's previous leader, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin.
Since Saturday's attack, Mr Sharon has won the
backing of three influential Israeli ministers for the
proposed Gaza pull-out.
The assassination of Dr Rantisi (shortly after a
Palestinian suicide bomber had killed an Israeli soldier
at the main crossing into Gaza) drew outright
condemnation from the United Nations, the European
Union and Russia - three of the four members of the
"Quartet" that drew up the now-tattered "road map"
towards peace between Israel and the Palestinians.
on the review below, which is entitled "Illusions of
Empire: Defining the New American Order".
Illusions of Empire: Defining the New
American Order
Source: www.foreignaffairs.org
March/April 2004 (Adapted)
In his book The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism,
Secrecy, and the End of the Republic, Chalmers
Johnson advances the disturbing claim that the United
States' Cold War-era military power and far-flung base
system have, in the last decade, been consolidated in a
new form of global imperial rule. The United States,
according to Johnson, has become "a military
juggernaut intent on world domination."
Driven by a triumphalist ideology, an
exaggerated sense of threats, and a self-serving
military-industrial complex, this juggernaut is tightening
its grip on much of the world. The Pentagon has
replaced the State Department as the primary shaper of
foreign policy. Military commanders in regional
headquarters are modern-day proconsuls, warriordiplomats
who direct the United States' imperial reach.
Johnson fears that this military empire will corrode
democracy, bankrupt the nation, spark opposition, and
ultimately end in a Soviet-style collapse.
on the review below, which is entitled "Illusions of
Empire: Defining the New American Order".
Illusions of Empire: Defining the New
American Order
Source: www.foreignaffairs.org
March/April 2004 (Adapted)
In his book The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism,
Secrecy, and the End of the Republic, Chalmers
Johnson advances the disturbing claim that the United
States' Cold War-era military power and far-flung base
system have, in the last decade, been consolidated in a
new form of global imperial rule. The United States,
according to Johnson, has become "a military
juggernaut intent on world domination."
Driven by a triumphalist ideology, an
exaggerated sense of threats, and a self-serving
military-industrial complex, this juggernaut is tightening
its grip on much of the world. The Pentagon has
replaced the State Department as the primary shaper of
foreign policy. Military commanders in regional
headquarters are modern-day proconsuls, warriordiplomats
who direct the United States' imperial reach.
Johnson fears that this military empire will corrode
democracy, bankrupt the nation, spark opposition, and
ultimately end in a Soviet-style collapse.
on the review below, which is entitled "Illusions of
Empire: Defining the New American Order".
Illusions of Empire: Defining the New
American Order
Source: www.foreignaffairs.org
March/April 2004 (Adapted)
In his book The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism,
Secrecy, and the End of the Republic, Chalmers
Johnson advances the disturbing claim that the United
States' Cold War-era military power and far-flung base
system have, in the last decade, been consolidated in a
new form of global imperial rule. The United States,
according to Johnson, has become "a military
juggernaut intent on world domination."
Driven by a triumphalist ideology, an
exaggerated sense of threats, and a self-serving
military-industrial complex, this juggernaut is tightening
its grip on much of the world. The Pentagon has
replaced the State Department as the primary shaper of
foreign policy. Military commanders in regional
headquarters are modern-day proconsuls, warriordiplomats
who direct the United States' imperial reach.
Johnson fears that this military empire will corrode
democracy, bankrupt the nation, spark opposition, and
ultimately end in a Soviet-style collapse.
on the review below, which is entitled "Illusions of
Empire: Defining the New American Order".
Illusions of Empire: Defining the New
American Order
Source: www.foreignaffairs.org
March/April 2004 (Adapted)
In his book The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism,
Secrecy, and the End of the Republic, Chalmers
Johnson advances the disturbing claim that the United
States' Cold War-era military power and far-flung base
system have, in the last decade, been consolidated in a
new form of global imperial rule. The United States,
according to Johnson, has become "a military
juggernaut intent on world domination."
Driven by a triumphalist ideology, an
exaggerated sense of threats, and a self-serving
military-industrial complex, this juggernaut is tightening
its grip on much of the world. The Pentagon has
replaced the State Department as the primary shaper of
foreign policy. Military commanders in regional
headquarters are modern-day proconsuls, warriordiplomats
who direct the United States' imperial reach.
Johnson fears that this military empire will corrode
democracy, bankrupt the nation, spark opposition, and
ultimately end in a Soviet-style collapse.
on the review below, which is entitled "Illusions of
Empire: Defining the New American Order".
Illusions of Empire: Defining the New
American Order
Source: www.foreignaffairs.org
March/April 2004 (Adapted)
In his book The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism,
Secrecy, and the End of the Republic, Chalmers
Johnson advances the disturbing claim that the United
States' Cold War-era military power and far-flung base
system have, in the last decade, been consolidated in a
new form of global imperial rule. The United States,
according to Johnson, has become "a military
juggernaut intent on world domination."
Driven by a triumphalist ideology, an
exaggerated sense of threats, and a self-serving
military-industrial complex, this juggernaut is tightening
its grip on much of the world. The Pentagon has
replaced the State Department as the primary shaper of
foreign policy. Military commanders in regional
headquarters are modern-day proconsuls, warriordiplomats
who direct the United States' imperial reach.
Johnson fears that this military empire will corrode
democracy, bankrupt the nation, spark opposition, and
ultimately end in a Soviet-style collapse.
and 22:
Brazil's foreign policy: A giant stirs
Source: www.economist.co.uk
June 10, 2004 (Adapted)
It is a small force, but of huge symbolic significance.
This month, 1,200 Brazilian troops arrived in Haiti, the
country's biggest foreign military deployment since the
second world war. Brazil is commanding a United
Nations peacekeeping force of 6,700 mainly Latin
American troops and 1,600 police which is taking over
from American and French forces in the Caribbean
island. This marks a new departure. Brazil has long
been a gentle and introverted giant, content to be a
bystander on the world stage. Now that is changing.
Analyze the alternatives below in order to choose
the appropriate translation for the two sentences
below into Portuguese:
and 22:
Brazil's foreign policy: A giant stirs
Source: www.economist.co.uk
June 10, 2004 (Adapted)
It is a small force, but of huge symbolic significance.
This month, 1,200 Brazilian troops arrived in Haiti, the
country's biggest foreign military deployment since the
second world war. Brazil is commanding a United
Nations peacekeeping force of 6,700 mainly Latin
American troops and 1,600 police which is taking over
from American and French forces in the Caribbean
island. This marks a new departure. Brazil has long
been a gentle and introverted giant, content to be a
bystander on the world stage. Now that is changing.
Analyze the alternatives below in order to choose
the appropriate translation for the two sentences
below into Portuguese:
Analise o emprego dos sinais de pontuação nos períodos abaixo.
1) Passatempo ou obsessão? Desde que o mundo é mundo, há pessoas que se dedicam a colecionar coisas e juntar bugigangas.
2) Figurinhas, selos, latinhas de cerveja, caixas de fósforo - nada, escapa dos fiéis seguidores da tradição de juntar bugigangas.
3) Para o historiador alemão, Philipp Bloom o hábito de juntar quinquilharias tem justificativas históricas, filosóficas e psicológicas.
(Adaptado de artigo da revista Superinteressante, abril 2004)
Os sinais de pontuação estão corretamente empregados
Marque a única das substituições propostas que mantém a correção gramatical do texto abaixo transcrito.
Todo o aprendizado - raciocínio, memória, pensamento e imaginação - depende de um órgão do corpo humano que pesa mais ou menos 1,3 quilograma e é formado por cem bilhões de neurônios, que têm a capacidade de se multiplicarem mais de 250 mil vezes por minuto nos dois primeiros meses de gestação e cujos prolongamentos parecem um emaranhado de fios: o cérebro.
(Vitor F. Kümpel, "Resumos no processo do aprendizado")