Questões de Concurso para Analista do Banco Central

Q2254326

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254326 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

Segundo o texto, Henry Ford

A

fez história viajando para muitos países, inclusive a França e a China.

B

ficou famoso porque tornou o automóvel acessível a um público maior.

C

teve um papel importante como membro do partido democrata.

D

na realidade não teve um papel histórico relevante.

E

teve um papel influente na democratização dos carros franceses.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254271

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254271 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

No geral, o texto

A

defende a idéia de um supervisor multilateral para a Internet, como por exemplo, a International Telecommunication Union.

B

defende a possibilidade de cada país ter o direito de recusar o registro de domínios a usuários que considere indesejáveis.

C

argumenta contra a necessidade de qualquer controle sobre o registro de nomes de domínio na Internet.

D

argumenta contra a proibição de bancos processarem pagamentos para Web sites com conteúdo pernicioso.

E

argumenta a favor de os Estados Unidos continuarem a controlar a atribuição de nomes de domínio na Internet.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254270

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254270 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

O pronome it, no final do texto, refere-se a

A

prohibition of offensive material.

B

control of domain names.

C

a number of unsavory Web sites.

D

control of the Internet.

E

an effective banking system for payment.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254269

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254269 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

Segundo o texto, a escolha de um órgão supervisor multilateral da Internet poderia tornar o registro de domínio

A

mais democrático.

B

mais eficiente do que nas mãos dos Estados Unidos.

C

uma questão política.

D

tão precário a ponto do colocar em risco a própria existência da Internet.

E

um instrumento de discriminação racial.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254268

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254268 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

In the third paragraph, such abuses have not occurred means that

A

any organization that wants to register a domain name can do so.

B

the cost of registering a web address has increased dramatically.

C

dissident groups are not allowed to register Web sites.

D

pornography Web sites are only granted registration in exchange for large fees.

E

government opposition parties are refused domain names.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254267

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254267 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

No segundo parágrafo, should indica

A

permissão.

B

possibilidade.

C

recomendação.

D

obrigação.

E

probabilidade.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254265

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254265 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

Ainda no primeiro parágrafo, os dois períodos Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? e It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was. podem ser ligadas, sem alteração de sentido, pela conjunção

A

because.

B

however.

C

despite.

D

if.

E

unless.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254264

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254264 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

No primeiro parágrafo, reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins significa

A

não mais reflete o acidente histórico das origens da Internet.

B

reflete apenas o acidente histórico da origem da Internet.

C

reflete muito mais do que a história do acidente da origem da Internet.

D

não passa de mero reflexo da história original da Internet.

E

não reflete muito da criação acidental da Internet.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254263

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254263 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

No texto, a palavra que preenche corretamente a lacuna é

A

Whatever.

B

Whenever.

C

Whichever.

D

Wherever.

E

Whoever.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254262

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Provas: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos | FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254262 Inglês

Texto associado

The Internet at Risk

Some 12,000 people convened last week in Tunisia for a United Nations conference about the Internet. Many delegates want an end to the U.S. Commerce Department's control over the assignment of Web site addresses (for example, http://www.washington-%20post.com/ ) and e-mail accounts (for example, [email protected]). The delegates' argument is that unilateral U.S. control over these domain names reflects no more than the historical accident of the Internet's origins. Why should the United States continue to control the registration of French and Chinese Internet addresses? It doesn't control the registration of French and Chinese cars, whatever Henry Ford's historic role in democratizing travel was.

The reformers' argument is attractive in theory and dangerous in practice. In an ideal world, unilateralism should be avoided. But in an imperfect world, unilateral solutions that run efficiently can be better than multilateral ones that ....51....

The job of assigning domain names offers huge opportunities for abuse. ....52.... controls this function can decide to keep certain types of individuals or organizations offline (dissidents or opposition political groups, for example). Or it can allow them on in exchange for large fees. The striking feature of U.S. oversight of the Internet is that such abuses have not occurred.

It's possible that a multilateral overseer of the Internet might be just as efficient. But the ponderous International Telecommunication Union, the U.N. body that would be a leading candidate to take over the domain registry, has a record of resisting innovation - including the advent of the Internet. Moreover, a multilateral domain-registering body would be caught between the different visions of its members: on the one side, autocratic regimes such as Saudi Arabia and China that want to restrict access to the Internet; on the other side, open societies that want low barriers to entry. These clashes of vision would probably make multilateral regulation inefficiently political. You may say that this is a fair price to pay to uphold the principle of sovereignty. If a country wants to keep certain users from registering domain names (Nazi groups, child pornographers, criminals), then perhaps it has a right to do so. But the clinching argument is that countries can exercise that sovereignty to a reasonable degree without controlling domain names. They can order Internet users in their territory to take offensive material down. They can order their banks or credit card companies to refuse to process payments to unsavory Web sites based abroad. Indeed, governments' ample ability to regulate the Internet has already been demonstrated by some of the countries pushing for reform, such as authoritarian China. The sovereign nations of the world have no need to wrest control of the Internet from the United States, because they already have it.

(Adapted from Washington Post, November 21, 2005; A14)

No texto, o verbo que preenche corretamente a lacuna é

A

don´t.

B

do.

C

can.

D

can´t.

E

doesn´t.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254261

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254261 Banco de Dados

O SQL Server 2000 implementa três tipos de funções definidas pelo usuário (UDF):
I. scalar valued, que retorna um único valor em resposta a cada uma das chamadas à função; II. inline table valued, cuja cláusula RETURNS especifica uma tabela com suas colunas e tipos de dados; III. multi-statement table valued, cuja cláusula RETURNS é seguida da palavra TABLE sem uma lista de colunas.
Está correto o tipo de UDF descrito em

A

I, II e III.

B

I, somente.

C

II, somente.

D

III, somente.

E

II e III, somente.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254260

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254260 Banco de Dados

Informações úteis para o DBA diagnosticar problemas no DB2 são geradas pelo utilitário

A

check data.

B

rebuild.

C

repair.

D

recover.

E

diagnose.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254259

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254259 Banco de Dados

Uma transação envolvendo um banco de dados atingirá seu término planejado com a execução de uma operação

A

Rollback implícito ou explícito, somente.

B

Commit implícito ou explícito, somente.

C

Commit implícito ou Rollback implícito.

D

Commit explícito ou Rollback explícito.

E

Commit explícito ou Rollback implícito.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254258

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254258 Banco de Dados

A transferência de produtos entre as lojas da empresa será melhor representada em um Modelo E/R por meio de

A

uma entidade.

B

uma propriedade ou atributo.

C

um relacionamento.

D

um subtipo.

E

um supertipo.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254257

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254257 Banco de Dados

NÃO é um princípio fundamental dos bancos de dados distribuídos:

A

Gerenciamento do catálogo.

B

Gerenciamento distribuído de transações.

C

Autonomia local.

D

Independência de localização.

E

Independência de um site central.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254256

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254256 Banco de Dados

Um processo que tem comandos SELECT, INSERT, UPDATE ou DELETE, para o controle de concorrência, requer, respectivamente, locks

A

S, S, X ou X.

B

X, IX, U ou S.

C

S, IX, U ou X.

D

X, S, S ou S.

E

S, X, X ou X.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254255

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254255 Banco de Dados

Sobre definição e manipulação de visão, analise:
I. Na criação de uma VIEW pode-se utilizar UNION e ORDER BY. II. Uma VIEW provê mais segurança, pois permite esconder parte dos dados da tabela real. III. Os dados que compõem a VIEW são armazenados separadamente da tabela real. IV. Uma linha inserida na VIEW, com todas as colunas, será inserida na tabela real. V. Se contiver as cláusulas JOIN e GROUP BY, uma VIEW só poderá ser usada para SELECT.
É correto o que consta APENAS em

A

III, IV e V.

B

II, IV e V.

C

II, III e IV.

D

I, III e IV.

E

I, II e III.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254254

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254254 Banco de Dados

Os usuários finais e os programadores de aplicações interagem com um banco de dados por meio de uma

A

sub-linguagem de dados, incorporada em uma linguagem hospedeira.

B

sub-linguagem de dados, que compõe somente a linguagem de definição de dados (DDL).

C

sub-linguagem de dados, que compõe somente a linguagem de manipulação de dados (DML).

D

linguagem hospedeira, responsável pela implementação das requisições DDL e DML.

E

linguagem hospedeira, responsável pelo lado servidor do SGBD.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254253

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254253 Banco de Dados

A arquitetura de sistemas de bancos de dados ANSI/SPARC se divide em 3 níveis, na qual o nível interno

A

se ocupa do modo como os dados são vistos pelos usuários individuais.

B

se ocupa apenas do nível lógico, ou com a visão da comunidade de usuários.

C

encontra-se no nível intermediário, entre os níveis conceitual e externo.

D

contém objetos que não são relacionais.

E

contém objetos que não são registros armazenados, ponteiros ou índices.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

Q2254252

Ano: 2006 Banca: FCC Órgão: BACEN Prova: FCC - 2006 - BACEN - Analista do Banco Central - Área 1 - Prova 2 - Conhecimentos Específicos |

Q2254252 Banco de Dados

O endereço de um registro colocado no banco de dados, cujo valor é calculado em função de algum campo do próprio registro, caracteriza

A

uma indexação densa.

B

uma indexação não-densa.

C

um endereçamento de hash.

D

uma cadeia de ponteiros.

E

uma estruturação em árvore.

Você errou! Resposta:

teste

Parabéns! Você acertou!

teste

A HORA DE VIRAR O JOGO É AGORA

A HORA DE VIRAR O JOGO É AGORA

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