Questões de Vestibular de Inglês - Passado simples | Simple past
Foram encontradas 36 questões
Q1350261
Inglês
Texto associado
Texto
The History of the Motion Picture
Who invented Cinema, the Camera, or Film?
(Adapted from a text available at
http://inventors.about.com/library/inventors/blmotionpictur
es.htm. Accessed on 02/6/2011, at 9h15min)
According to the text it is correct to say about the
verbs: “began” (line 10), “invented” (line 17),
“made” (line 21), “enabled” (line 32), and
“showed”(line 34).
They are all in the simple past.
They are all in the simple past.
Ano: 2016
Banca:
INEP
Órgão:
IF Sul Rio-Grandense
Prova:
INEP - 2016 - IF Sul Rio-Grandense - Vestibular Primeiro Semestre - Língua Inglesa |
Q1341195
Inglês
Texto associado
INSTRUÇÃO: Para responder à questão, considere o texto abaixo.
(Excerpt from Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance, By Robert M. Pirsig. New York: Harpertorch, 1974)
Considere as afirmações abaixo.
I - “began” (l. 01) e “didn't spend” (l. 06) estão no passado simples.
II - “seems” (l. 02) e “prefers” (l. 04) estão no presente simples.
III - “would never have become” (l. 06) é uma estrutura usada para algo que não teria acontecido com uma condição, expressa por uma outra oração com o verbo no passado simples.
IV - “we´ve been thinking” (l. 08) e “has been” (l. 10) estão no presente perfeito contínuo.
Assinale a alternativa correta.
I - “began” (l. 01) e “didn't spend” (l. 06) estão no passado simples.
II - “seems” (l. 02) e “prefers” (l. 04) estão no presente simples.
III - “would never have become” (l. 06) é uma estrutura usada para algo que não teria acontecido com uma condição, expressa por uma outra oração com o verbo no passado simples.
IV - “we´ve been thinking” (l. 08) e “has been” (l. 10) estão no presente perfeito contínuo.
Assinale a alternativa correta.
Q1340100
Inglês
Texto associado
Text 3
Al Capone
Born in 1899 in Brooklyn, New York, to poor immigrant parents, Al Capone went on to become the most infamous gangster in American history. In 1920 during the height of Prohibition, Capone’s multi-million dollar Chicago operation in bootlegging, prostitution and gambling dominated the organized crime scene. Capone was responsible for many brutal acts of violence, mainly against other gangsters. The most famous of these was the St. Valentine’s Day Massacre in 1929, in which he ordered the assassination of seven rivals. Capone was never indicted for his racketeering but was finally brought to justice for income-tax evasion in 1931. After serving six-and-a-half years, Capone was released. He died in 1947 in Miami. Capone’s life captured the public imagination, and his gangster persona has been immortalized in the many movies and books inspired by his exploits.
(Excerpt from the site: http://www.history.com/topics/alcapone. Researched on: October 2015)
In the sentence “Capone was responsible for many brutal
acts of violence, mainly against other gangsters”. The verb
“was” is the Simple Past of:
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UECE-CEV
Órgão:
UECE
Prova:
UECE-CEV - 2014 - UECE - Vestibular - Língua Inglesa - 2ª fase |
Q1285440
Inglês
Texto associado
Brazil plowed billions of dollars into building a
railroad across arid backlands, only for the longdelayed project to fall prey to metal scavengers.
Curvaceous new public buildings designed by the
famed architect Oscar Niemeyer were abandoned
right after being constructed. There was even an illfated U.F.O. museum built with federal funds. Its
skeletal remains now sit like a lost ship among the
weeds.
As Brazil sprints to get ready for the World
Cup in June, it has run up against a catalog of
delays, some caused by deadly construction
accidents at stadiums, and cost overruns. It is
building bus and rail systems for spectators that will
not be finished until long after the games are done.
But the World Cup projects are just a part of a
bigger national problem casting a pall over Brazil’s
grand ambitions: an array of lavish projects
conceived when economic growth was surging that
now stand abandoned, stalled or wildly over budget.
Some economists say the troubled projects
reveal a crippling bureaucracy, irresponsible
allocation of resources and bastions of corruption.
Huge street protests have been aimed at
costly new stadiums being built in cities like Manaus
and Brasília, whose paltry fan bases are almost sure
to leave a sea of empty seats after the World Cup
events are finished, adding to concerns that even
more white elephants will emerge from the
tournament.
“The fiascos are multiplying, revealing
disarray that is regrettably systemic,” said Gil
Castello Branco, director of Contas Abertas, a
Brazilian watchdog group that scrutinizes public
budgets. “We’re waking up to the reality that
immense resources have been wasted on
extravagant projects when our public schools are
still a mess and raw sewage is still in our streets.”
The growing list of troubled development
projects includes a $3.4 billion network of concrete
canals in the drought-plagued hinterland of
northeast Brazil — which was supposed to be
finished in 2010 — as well as dozens of new wind
farms idled by a lack of transmission lines and
unfinished luxury hotels blighting Rio de Janeiro’s
skyline.
Economists surveyed by the nation’s central
bank see Brazil’s economy growing just 1.63 percent
this year, down from 7.5 percent in 2010, making
2014 the fourth straight year of slow growth.
President Dilma Rousseff’s supporters contend
that the public spending has worked, helping to keep
unemployment at historical lows and preventing
what would have been a much worse economic
slowdown had the government not pumped its
considerable resources into infrastructure
development.
Still, a growing chorus of critics argues that
the inability to finish big infrastructure projects
reveals weaknesses in Brazil’s model of state capitalism. First, they say, Brazil gives
extraordinary influence to a web of state-controlled
companies, banks and pension funds to invest in
ill-advised projects. Then other bastions of the
vast public bureaucracy cripple projects with audits
and lawsuits.
“Some ventures never deserved public
money in the first place,” said Sérgio Lazzarini, an
economist at Insper, a São Paulo business school,
pointing to the millions in state financing for the
overhaul of the Glória hotel in Rio, owned until
recently by a mining tycoon, Eike Batista. The
project was left unfinished, unable to open for the
World Cup, when Mr. Batista’s business empire
crumbled last year. “For infrastructure projects
which deserve state support and get it,” Mr.
Lazzarini continued, “there’s the daunting task of
dealing with the risks that the state itself creates.”
The Transnordestina, a railroad begun in
2006 here in northeast Brazil, illustrates some of
the pitfalls plaguing projects big and small.
Scheduled to be finished in 2010 at a cost of about
$1.8 billion, the railroad, designed to stretch more
than 1,000 miles, is now expected to cost at least
$3.2 billion, with most financing from state banks.
Officials say it should be completed around 2016.
But with work sites abandoned because of audits
and other setbacks months ago in and around
Paulistana, a town in Piauí, one of Brazil’s poorest
states, even that timeline seems optimistic. Long
stretches where freight trains were already
supposed to be running stand deserted. Wiry
vaqueiros, or cowboys, herd cattle in the shadow
of ghostly railroad bridges that tower 150 feet
above parched valleys. “Thieves are pillaging metal
from the work sites,” said Adailton Vieira da Silva,
42, an electrician who labored with thousands of
others before work halted last year. “Now there
are just these bridges left in the middle of
nowhere.”
Brazil’s transportation minister, César
Borges, expressed exasperation with the delays in
finishing the railroad, which is needed to transport
soybean harvests to port. He listed the
bureaucracies that delay projects like the
Transnordestina: the Federal Court of Accounts;
the Office of the Comptroller General; an
environmental protection agency; an institute
protecting archaeological patrimony; agencies
protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and
descendants of escaped slaves; and the Public
Ministry, a body of independent prosecutors. Still,
Mr. Borges insisted, “Projects get delayed in
countries around the world, not just Brazil.”
Some economists contend that the way
Brazil is investing may be hampering growth
instead of supporting it. The authorities
encouraged energy companies to build wind farms,
but dozens cannot operate because they lack
transmission lines to connect to the electricity grid.
Meanwhile, manufacturers worry over potential
electricity rationing as reservoirs at hydroelectric
dams run dry amid a drought.
Then there is the extraterrestrial museum in
Varginha, a city in southeast Brazil where residents claimed to have seen an alien in 1996. Officials
secured federal money to build the museum, but
now all that remains of the unfinished project is the
rusting carcass of what looks like a flying saucer.
“That museum,” said Roberto Macedo, an economist
at the University of São Paulo, “is an insult to both
extraterrestrials and the terrestrial beings like
ourselves who foot the bill for yet another project
failing to deliver.”
Adapted from www.nytimes.com/April 12, 2014.
In terms of tenses, the verbs in “…investors
have grown…”, “…he acknowledged…” and “were
intended” are, respectively, in the
Ano: 2013
Banca:
UECE-CEV
Órgão:
UECE
Prova:
UECE-CEV - 2013 - UECE - Vestibular - Língua Inglesa - 2ª fase |
Q1279897
Inglês
Texto associado
TEXT
BRASÍLIA — Brazil’s highest court has long
viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality.
Justices call one another “Your Excellency,” dress in
billowing robes and wrap each utterance in
grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era
when marquises and dukes held sway from their
vast plantations.
In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned
another justice about whether he would even be on
the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, a
former president impeached in 1992. With another
justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief
justice considered his condescending tone, telling
him he was not his “capanga,” a term describing a
hired thug.
In one of his most scathing comments, Mr.
Barbosa, the high court’s first and only black justice,
took on the entire legal system of Brazil — where it
is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend
time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes
— contending that the mentality of judges was
“conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity.”
“I have a temperament that doesn’t adapt well
to politics,” Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent
interview in his quarters here in the Supreme
Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by
the architect Oscar Niemeyer. “It’s because I speak
my mind so much.”
His acknowledged lack of tact
notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a
series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking
rulings, turning Brazil’s highest court — and him in
particular — into a newfound political power and the
subject of popular fascination.
The court’s recent rulings include a unanimous
decision upholding the University of Brasília’s
admissions policies aimed at increasing the number
of black and indigenous students, opening the way
for one of the Western Hemisphere’s most sweeping
affirmative action laws for higher education.
In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway
as chief justice and president of the panel
overseeing Brazil’s judiciary to effectively legalize
same-sex marriage across the country. And in an
anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the
precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in
the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast
vote-buying scheme.
Ascending to Brazil’s high court, much less
pushing the institution to assert its independence,
long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest
of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished
city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked
as a bricklayer.
But his prominence — not just on the court,
but in the streets as well — is so well established
that masks with his face were sold for Carnival,
amateur musicians have composed songs about his
handling of the corruption trial and posted them on
YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told
pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top
choices for president in next year’s elections.
While the protests have subsided since their
height in June, the political tumult they set off
persists. The race for president, once considered a
shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now
up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa — who is now so
much in the public eye that gossip columnists are
following his romance with a woman in her 20s —
repeatedly saying he will not run. “I’m not a
candidate for anything,” he says.
But the same public glare that has turned
him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While
he has won widespread admiration for his guidance
of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every
other prominent political figure in Brazil, has
recently come under scrutiny. And for someone
accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazil’s legal
system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on
the defensive.
One report in the Brazilian news media
described how he received about $180,000 in
payments for untaken leaves of absence during his
19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments
are common in some areas of Brazil’s large public
bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an
apartment in Miami through a limited liability
company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on
the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends
that he has done nothing wrong.
In a country where a majority of people now
define themselves as black or of mixed race — but
where blacks remain remarkably rare in the
highest echelons of political institutions and
corporations — Mr. Barbosa’s trajectory and abrupt
manner have elicited both widespread admiration
and a fair amount of resistance.
As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the
capital, Brasília, finding work as a janitor in a
courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the
University of Brasília, the only black student in its
law program at the time. Wanting to see the
world, he later won admission into Brazil’s
diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to
Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the
Baltic Sea.
Sensing that he would not advance much in
the diplomatic service, which he has called “one of
the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil,” Mr.
Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He
alternated between legal investigations in Brazil
and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English,
French and German, and earning a doctorate in
law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris.
Fascinated by the legal systems of other
countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative
action in the United States. He still voices his
admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the
first black Supreme Court justice in the United
States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years
embodied the court’s liberal vision, clearly drawing
inspiration from them as he pushed Brazil’s high
court toward socially liberal rulings.
Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into
Brazil’s public imagination as much as his handling
of the trial of political operatives, legislators and
bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption
scandal called the mensalão, or big monthly
allowance, after the regular payments made to
lawmakers in exchange for their votes.
Last November, at Mr. Barbosa’s urging, the
high court sentenced some of the most powerful
figures in the governing Workers Party to years in
prison for their crimes in the scheme, including
bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political
system in which impunity for politicians has been the
norm.
Now the mensalão trial is entering what could
be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times
been visibly exasperated that defendants who have
already been found guilty and sentenced have
managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed
with other justices over their consideration of a rare
legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at
the high court are examined.
Losing his patience with one prominent
justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve
some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa
publicly accused him this month of “chicanery” by
using legalese to prop up certain positions. An
outcry ensued among some who could not stomach
Mr. Barbosa’s talking to a fellow justice like that.
“Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is?”
asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper
O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was
qualified to preside over the court. “What powers
does he think he has just because he’s sitting in the
chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal
Tribunal?”
Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the
interview, he said some tension was necessary for
the court to function properly. “It was always like
this,” he said, contending that arguments are now
just easier to see because the court’s proceedings
are televised.
Linking the court’s work to the recent wave of
protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed
with the violence of some demonstrators, but he
also said he believed that the street movements
were “a sign of democracy’s exuberance.”
“People don’t want to passively stand by and
observe these arrangements of the elite, which were
always the Brazilian tradition,” he said.
In the sentences “Mr. Barbosa took on the
entire legal system,” “he is overseeing the
precedent-setting trial,” and “Mr. Barbosa has at
times been exasperated,” the verbs are,
respectively, in the
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