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Preconceito de cor
Eu assino embaixo doutor por minha rapaziada
Somos criolos do morro mas ninguém roubou nada
Isso é preconceito de cor vou provar ao senhor
Porque é que o doutor não prende aquele careta
Que só faz mutreta e só anda de terno
Porém o seu nome não vai pró caderno
Ele anda na rua de pomba rôlo
A lei só é implacável para nós favelados
E protege o golpista, ele tinha de ser
O primeiro da lista
Se liga nessa doutor ih
É vê se dá um refresco isso não é pretexto
Pra mostrar serviço
Eu assumo o compromisso
Pago até a fiança da rapaziada
Porque que é que ninguém mete o grampo
Num pulso daquele de colarinho branco
Roubou jóia e o ouro da serra pelada
(Bezerra Da Silva)
A ausência de pontuação em poemas, em letras de música, como nessa de Bezerra Da Silva, é comum.
Assinale a alternativa em que o emprego da pontuação está correto.
IstoÉ – Maioria nas instituições de correção como a Febem, os negros ainda são vítimas da discriminação. A lei que criminaliza o racismo não mudou a visão da sociedade sobre o tema?
Hédio Silva Júnior – O debate sobre ações afirmativas tem educado mais do que a criminalização do racismo pela Constituição de 1988. O que mudou é que a sociedade passou a reconhecer o problema. A opinião pública está muito mais treinada para identificar uma discriminação racial e se indignar diante dela. Há 25 anos, havia um consenso de que não havia problema racial no Brasil, e sim social. E hoje se debate se o sistema de cotas é mais apropriado do que a pontuação acrescida ou o investimento no ensino fundamental. O Brasil hoje, enfim, discute o problema racial.
(...)
IstoÉ – E hoje, o Sr. sente menos discriminação?
Hédio Silva Júnior – Quando viajo de avião, geralmente as comissárias de bordo me oferecem o jantar em inglês. Isso acontece em vôos domésticos. Demorei um pouco para entender esse negócio. Mas depois percebi que, no Brasil, um negro viajando de avião não pode ser brasileiro. Eles devem pensar: “Esse negão só pode ser americano” (risos).
(IstoÉ, 28 set. 2005)
Na frase – “Esse negão só pode ser americano.” – o sufixo ão da palavra negão é um indicador de aumentativo.
A frase que apresenta a mesma ocorrência é:
Políticas Públicas de Combate às Desigualdades Sociais
Muito se tem falado em promoção da igualdade e das condições de oportunidade, em especial com relação à população negra e afrodescendente. Mas a implementação efetiva de políticas públicas, buscando a tão sonhada igualdade de direitos, caminha a passos lentos.
De nada adianta a edição de leis fixando regras e impondo sanções, se não houver uma conscientização e um respeito pela dignidade e pelo ser humano, já que todos somos titulares de direitos e de obrigações desde o nascimento.
A igualdade de oportunidade e o combate às desigualdades sociais começam pelo emprego e a justa remuneração, sem os quais o indivíduo está fadado à marginalidade e à exclusão. O estabelecimento de metas bem delimitadas e uma estrutura de apoio podem resultar num processo de capacitação e integração maior. Nessa esteira, está inserida a política de cotas, sem que isto possa ser alegado como indicativo de prejuízo a outras etnias ou outros grupos. Entendimento desta ordem é tornar ineficazes as políticas afirmativas de integração social, já que o direito é, primordialmente, uma garantia individual e não de grupos.
Apesar das leis protetivas, ocorre uma queda acentuada do grau de proteção dos trabalhadores brasileiros mediante contrato de trabalho e, nesse sistema de exclusão, os negros e afrodescendentes sofrem uma penalidade maior, pois, via de regra, são sempre os primeiros nas listas de cortes das empresas e os excluídos no momento da seleção.
O negro e seus descendentes representam mais da metade da nossa população, tiveram, e continuam tendo, uma participação efetiva na formação da base econômica e na formação cultural da nação brasileira.
Apesar desta constatação, são grandes os obstáculos enfrentados pelos afrodescendentes na conquista de um espaço digno na sociedade. A partilha da riqueza no país não é proporcional a sua presença no cenário nacional, colocando-os no imenso contingente dos excluídos.
Desta forma, as ações afirmativas governamentais devem implementar-se por meio de melhores condições de acesso à boa escola e ao mercado de trabalho, para que esse seguimento da população tenha as mesmas oportunidades dos demais brasileiros.
Esta desigualdade é secular e não vai ser combatida apenas universalizando direitos. A igualdade formal não implica em igualdade de fato. Ela demanda uma intervenção ativa do Estado, cuidando de aspectos fundamentais para a sociedade, inclusive de políticas destinadas a grupos específicos como mulheres, negros, portadores de deficiência e indígenas.
(Texto de Carmen Dora Freitas Ferreira. Adaptado)
Políticas Públicas de Combate às Desigualdades Sociais
Muito se tem falado em promoção da igualdade e das condições de oportunidade, em especial com relação à população negra e afrodescendente. Mas a implementação efetiva de políticas públicas, buscando a tão sonhada igualdade de direitos, caminha a passos lentos.
De nada adianta a edição de leis fixando regras e impondo sanções, se não houver uma conscientização e um respeito pela dignidade e pelo ser humano, já que todos somos titulares de direitos e de obrigações desde o nascimento.
A igualdade de oportunidade e o combate às desigualdades sociais começam pelo emprego e a justa remuneração, sem os quais o indivíduo está fadado à marginalidade e à exclusão. O estabelecimento de metas bem delimitadas e uma estrutura de apoio podem resultar num processo de capacitação e integração maior. Nessa esteira, está inserida a política de cotas, sem que isto possa ser alegado como indicativo de prejuízo a outras etnias ou outros grupos. Entendimento desta ordem é tornar ineficazes as políticas afirmativas de integração social, já que o direito é, primordialmente, uma garantia individual e não de grupos.
Apesar das leis protetivas, ocorre uma queda acentuada do grau de proteção dos trabalhadores brasileiros mediante contrato de trabalho e, nesse sistema de exclusão, os negros e afrodescendentes sofrem uma penalidade maior, pois, via de regra, são sempre os primeiros nas listas de cortes das empresas e os excluídos no momento da seleção.
O negro e seus descendentes representam mais da metade da nossa população, tiveram, e continuam tendo, uma participação efetiva na formação da base econômica e na formação cultural da nação brasileira.
Apesar desta constatação, são grandes os obstáculos enfrentados pelos afrodescendentes na conquista de um espaço digno na sociedade. A partilha da riqueza no país não é proporcional a sua presença no cenário nacional, colocando-os no imenso contingente dos excluídos.
Desta forma, as ações afirmativas governamentais devem implementar-se por meio de melhores condições de acesso à boa escola e ao mercado de trabalho, para que esse seguimento da população tenha as mesmas oportunidades dos demais brasileiros.
Esta desigualdade é secular e não vai ser combatida apenas universalizando direitos. A igualdade formal não implica em igualdade de fato. Ela demanda uma intervenção ativa do Estado, cuidando de aspectos fundamentais para a sociedade, inclusive de políticas destinadas a grupos específicos como mulheres, negros, portadores de deficiência e indígenas.
(Texto de Carmen Dora Freitas Ferreira. Adaptado)
Instrução: Leia o texto para responder a questão.
The Big Destructiveness Of The Tiny Bribe
Alexandra Wrage 03.01.2010
The smallest bribes can be the most vexing. Not suitcases full of money and transfers to offshore accounts, but the thousands of everyday payments people make to Indian building inspectors, Chinese customs officials and Nigerian airport functionaries, just to get things done. They’re payments for routine government services that a government official is legally obliged to perform but for which he’s hoping to skim off a little extra.
Unlike more serious bribes, these very modest payouts, formally known as “facilitating payments”, are not against the laws of the U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Korea, when made abroad. They’re illegal for Great Britain, but the Serious Fraud Office there has taken the extraordinary public position that they’re unlikely to give rise to a prosecution.
Why don’t governments that lead the fight against large-scale bribery fall in line with what is already the practice of many major companies? They don’t want to outlaw such small-scale graft in foreign places, they say, because they don’t have the manpower to prosecute violators. By that logic, communities with just enough resources to handle murder and armed robbery would give a green light to shoplifting. You’d think a government could at least go after a few high-profile cases to set an example and a precedent. Permitting these smaller payments has to impede the effort to crack down on the larger ones. Companies know this.
“Facilitating” bribes are not tips. Tipping is voluntary, and you decide to do it after a service has been rendered. You don’t pay it at the outset to induce the waiter to bring the food, and you can always go somewhere else to eat next time should the service be bad.
Nor are they welfare for underpaid civil servants. If government workers are underpaid, we should compensate them for the cost of customs inspections or airport security by aboveboard means, through taxation and so forth. Payment to individuals not only slows service but also encourages entrepreneurial civil servants to increase their income by creating more and greater obstacles.
Nor are they a mere distraction from the fight against bigger bribes. Rather, they fuel the problem. Junior officials who look for small bribes rise to higher positions by paying off those above them. Corruption creates pyramids of illegal payments flowing upward. Legalizing the base of the pyramid gives it a strong and lasting foundation.
Nor are these payments legal where they’re made. They may not be banned by the wealthy countries mentioned above, but they are outlawed in the countries where they’re actually a problem. Do developed countries want to say they wouldn’t tolerate such payments at home but don’t care if they’re made abroad? And since they’re illegal in the countries where they’re paid, companies can’t put them on their books. The classic cover for a bribe is to call it a “consulting fee”, but that is a books and records violation that is illegal in any country.
(www.forbes.com. Adaptado.)
Instrução: Leia o texto para responder a questão.
The Big Destructiveness Of The Tiny Bribe
Alexandra Wrage 03.01.2010
The smallest bribes can be the most vexing. Not suitcases full of money and transfers to offshore accounts, but the thousands of everyday payments people make to Indian building inspectors, Chinese customs officials and Nigerian airport functionaries, just to get things done. They’re payments for routine government services that a government official is legally obliged to perform but for which he’s hoping to skim off a little extra.
Unlike more serious bribes, these very modest payouts, formally known as “facilitating payments”, are not against the laws of the U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Korea, when made abroad. They’re illegal for Great Britain, but the Serious Fraud Office there has taken the extraordinary public position that they’re unlikely to give rise to a prosecution.
Why don’t governments that lead the fight against large-scale bribery fall in line with what is already the practice of many major companies? They don’t want to outlaw such small-scale graft in foreign places, they say, because they don’t have the manpower to prosecute violators. By that logic, communities with just enough resources to handle murder and armed robbery would give a green light to shoplifting. You’d think a government could at least go after a few high-profile cases to set an example and a precedent. Permitting these smaller payments has to impede the effort to crack down on the larger ones. Companies know this.
“Facilitating” bribes are not tips. Tipping is voluntary, and you decide to do it after a service has been rendered. You don’t pay it at the outset to induce the waiter to bring the food, and you can always go somewhere else to eat next time should the service be bad.
Nor are they welfare for underpaid civil servants. If government workers are underpaid, we should compensate them for the cost of customs inspections or airport security by aboveboard means, through taxation and so forth. Payment to individuals not only slows service but also encourages entrepreneurial civil servants to increase their income by creating more and greater obstacles.
Nor are they a mere distraction from the fight against bigger bribes. Rather, they fuel the problem. Junior officials who look for small bribes rise to higher positions by paying off those above them. Corruption creates pyramids of illegal payments flowing upward. Legalizing the base of the pyramid gives it a strong and lasting foundation.
Nor are these payments legal where they’re made. They may not be banned by the wealthy countries mentioned above, but they are outlawed in the countries where they’re actually a problem. Do developed countries want to say they wouldn’t tolerate such payments at home but don’t care if they’re made abroad? And since they’re illegal in the countries where they’re paid, companies can’t put them on their books. The classic cover for a bribe is to call it a “consulting fee”, but that is a books and records violation that is illegal in any country.
(www.forbes.com. Adaptado.)
Instrução: Leia o texto para responder a questão.
The Big Destructiveness Of The Tiny Bribe
Alexandra Wrage 03.01.2010
The smallest bribes can be the most vexing. Not suitcases full of money and transfers to offshore accounts, but the thousands of everyday payments people make to Indian building inspectors, Chinese customs officials and Nigerian airport functionaries, just to get things done. They’re payments for routine government services that a government official is legally obliged to perform but for which he’s hoping to skim off a little extra.
Unlike more serious bribes, these very modest payouts, formally known as “facilitating payments”, are not against the laws of the U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Korea, when made abroad. They’re illegal for Great Britain, but the Serious Fraud Office there has taken the extraordinary public position that they’re unlikely to give rise to a prosecution.
Why don’t governments that lead the fight against large-scale bribery fall in line with what is already the practice of many major companies? They don’t want to outlaw such small-scale graft in foreign places, they say, because they don’t have the manpower to prosecute violators. By that logic, communities with just enough resources to handle murder and armed robbery would give a green light to shoplifting. You’d think a government could at least go after a few high-profile cases to set an example and a precedent. Permitting these smaller payments has to impede the effort to crack down on the larger ones. Companies know this.
“Facilitating” bribes are not tips. Tipping is voluntary, and you decide to do it after a service has been rendered. You don’t pay it at the outset to induce the waiter to bring the food, and you can always go somewhere else to eat next time should the service be bad.
Nor are they welfare for underpaid civil servants. If government workers are underpaid, we should compensate them for the cost of customs inspections or airport security by aboveboard means, through taxation and so forth. Payment to individuals not only slows service but also encourages entrepreneurial civil servants to increase their income by creating more and greater obstacles.
Nor are they a mere distraction from the fight against bigger bribes. Rather, they fuel the problem. Junior officials who look for small bribes rise to higher positions by paying off those above them. Corruption creates pyramids of illegal payments flowing upward. Legalizing the base of the pyramid gives it a strong and lasting foundation.
Nor are these payments legal where they’re made. They may not be banned by the wealthy countries mentioned above, but they are outlawed in the countries where they’re actually a problem. Do developed countries want to say they wouldn’t tolerate such payments at home but don’t care if they’re made abroad? And since they’re illegal in the countries where they’re paid, companies can’t put them on their books. The classic cover for a bribe is to call it a “consulting fee”, but that is a books and records violation that is illegal in any country.
(www.forbes.com. Adaptado.)
Instrução: Leia o texto para responder a questão.
The Big Destructiveness Of The Tiny Bribe
Alexandra Wrage 03.01.2010
The smallest bribes can be the most vexing. Not suitcases full of money and transfers to offshore accounts, but the thousands of everyday payments people make to Indian building inspectors, Chinese customs officials and Nigerian airport functionaries, just to get things done. They’re payments for routine government services that a government official is legally obliged to perform but for which he’s hoping to skim off a little extra.
Unlike more serious bribes, these very modest payouts, formally known as “facilitating payments”, are not against the laws of the U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Korea, when made abroad. They’re illegal for Great Britain, but the Serious Fraud Office there has taken the extraordinary public position that they’re unlikely to give rise to a prosecution.
Why don’t governments that lead the fight against large-scale bribery fall in line with what is already the practice of many major companies? They don’t want to outlaw such small-scale graft in foreign places, they say, because they don’t have the manpower to prosecute violators. By that logic, communities with just enough resources to handle murder and armed robbery would give a green light to shoplifting. You’d think a government could at least go after a few high-profile cases to set an example and a precedent. Permitting these smaller payments has to impede the effort to crack down on the larger ones. Companies know this.
“Facilitating” bribes are not tips. Tipping is voluntary, and you decide to do it after a service has been rendered. You don’t pay it at the outset to induce the waiter to bring the food, and you can always go somewhere else to eat next time should the service be bad.
Nor are they welfare for underpaid civil servants. If government workers are underpaid, we should compensate them for the cost of customs inspections or airport security by aboveboard means, through taxation and so forth. Payment to individuals not only slows service but also encourages entrepreneurial civil servants to increase their income by creating more and greater obstacles.
Nor are they a mere distraction from the fight against bigger bribes. Rather, they fuel the problem. Junior officials who look for small bribes rise to higher positions by paying off those above them. Corruption creates pyramids of illegal payments flowing upward. Legalizing the base of the pyramid gives it a strong and lasting foundation.
Nor are these payments legal where they’re made. They may not be banned by the wealthy countries mentioned above, but they are outlawed in the countries where they’re actually a problem. Do developed countries want to say they wouldn’t tolerate such payments at home but don’t care if they’re made abroad? And since they’re illegal in the countries where they’re paid, companies can’t put them on their books. The classic cover for a bribe is to call it a “consulting fee”, but that is a books and records violation that is illegal in any country.
(www.forbes.com. Adaptado.)
Instrução: Leia o texto para responder a questão.
The Big Destructiveness Of The Tiny Bribe
Alexandra Wrage 03.01.2010
The smallest bribes can be the most vexing. Not suitcases full of money and transfers to offshore accounts, but the thousands of everyday payments people make to Indian building inspectors, Chinese customs officials and Nigerian airport functionaries, just to get things done. They’re payments for routine government services that a government official is legally obliged to perform but for which he’s hoping to skim off a little extra.
Unlike more serious bribes, these very modest payouts, formally known as “facilitating payments”, are not against the laws of the U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Korea, when made abroad. They’re illegal for Great Britain, but the Serious Fraud Office there has taken the extraordinary public position that they’re unlikely to give rise to a prosecution.
Why don’t governments that lead the fight against large-scale bribery fall in line with what is already the practice of many major companies? They don’t want to outlaw such small-scale graft in foreign places, they say, because they don’t have the manpower to prosecute violators. By that logic, communities with just enough resources to handle murder and armed robbery would give a green light to shoplifting. You’d think a government could at least go after a few high-profile cases to set an example and a precedent. Permitting these smaller payments has to impede the effort to crack down on the larger ones. Companies know this.
“Facilitating” bribes are not tips. Tipping is voluntary, and you decide to do it after a service has been rendered. You don’t pay it at the outset to induce the waiter to bring the food, and you can always go somewhere else to eat next time should the service be bad.
Nor are they welfare for underpaid civil servants. If government workers are underpaid, we should compensate them for the cost of customs inspections or airport security by aboveboard means, through taxation and so forth. Payment to individuals not only slows service but also encourages entrepreneurial civil servants to increase their income by creating more and greater obstacles.
Nor are they a mere distraction from the fight against bigger bribes. Rather, they fuel the problem. Junior officials who look for small bribes rise to higher positions by paying off those above them. Corruption creates pyramids of illegal payments flowing upward. Legalizing the base of the pyramid gives it a strong and lasting foundation.
Nor are these payments legal where they’re made. They may not be banned by the wealthy countries mentioned above, but they are outlawed in the countries where they’re actually a problem. Do developed countries want to say they wouldn’t tolerate such payments at home but don’t care if they’re made abroad? And since they’re illegal in the countries where they’re paid, companies can’t put them on their books. The classic cover for a bribe is to call it a “consulting fee”, but that is a books and records violation that is illegal in any country.
(www.forbes.com. Adaptado.)
Instrução: Leia o texto para responder a questão.
The Big Destructiveness Of The Tiny Bribe
Alexandra Wrage 03.01.2010
The smallest bribes can be the most vexing. Not suitcases full of money and transfers to offshore accounts, but the thousands of everyday payments people make to Indian building inspectors, Chinese customs officials and Nigerian airport functionaries, just to get things done. They’re payments for routine government services that a government official is legally obliged to perform but for which he’s hoping to skim off a little extra.
Unlike more serious bribes, these very modest payouts, formally known as “facilitating payments”, are not against the laws of the U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Korea, when made abroad. They’re illegal for Great Britain, but the Serious Fraud Office there has taken the extraordinary public position that they’re unlikely to give rise to a prosecution.
Why don’t governments that lead the fight against large-scale bribery fall in line with what is already the practice of many major companies? They don’t want to outlaw such small-scale graft in foreign places, they say, because they don’t have the manpower to prosecute violators. By that logic, communities with just enough resources to handle murder and armed robbery would give a green light to shoplifting. You’d think a government could at least go after a few high-profile cases to set an example and a precedent. Permitting these smaller payments has to impede the effort to crack down on the larger ones. Companies know this.
“Facilitating” bribes are not tips. Tipping is voluntary, and you decide to do it after a service has been rendered. You don’t pay it at the outset to induce the waiter to bring the food, and you can always go somewhere else to eat next time should the service be bad.
Nor are they welfare for underpaid civil servants. If government workers are underpaid, we should compensate them for the cost of customs inspections or airport security by aboveboard means, through taxation and so forth. Payment to individuals not only slows service but also encourages entrepreneurial civil servants to increase their income by creating more and greater obstacles.
Nor are they a mere distraction from the fight against bigger bribes. Rather, they fuel the problem. Junior officials who look for small bribes rise to higher positions by paying off those above them. Corruption creates pyramids of illegal payments flowing upward. Legalizing the base of the pyramid gives it a strong and lasting foundation.
Nor are these payments legal where they’re made. They may not be banned by the wealthy countries mentioned above, but they are outlawed in the countries where they’re actually a problem. Do developed countries want to say they wouldn’t tolerate such payments at home but don’t care if they’re made abroad? And since they’re illegal in the countries where they’re paid, companies can’t put them on their books. The classic cover for a bribe is to call it a “consulting fee”, but that is a books and records violation that is illegal in any country.
(www.forbes.com. Adaptado.)
Leia os versos de Ricardo Reis, heterônimo de Fernando Pessoa.
Quando, Lídia, vier o nosso Outono
Com o Inverno que há nele, reservemos
Um pensamento, não para a futura
Primavera, que é de outrem,
Nem para o estio, de quem somos mortos,
Senão para o que fica do que passa –
O amarelo atual que as folhas vivem
E as torna diferentes.
Nesses versos, as estações do ano constituem metáforas pelas
quais o eu lírico
Instrução: O texto a seguir é base para a questão.
Não é possível idear nada mais puro e harmonioso do que o perfil dessa estátua de moça.
Era alta e esbelta. Tinha um desses talhes flexíveis e lançados, que são hastes de lírio para o rosto gentil; porém na mesma delicadeza do porte esculpiam-se os contornos mais graciosos com firme nitidez das linhas e uma deliciosa suavidade nos relevos.
Não era alva, também não era morena. Tinha sua tez a cor das pétalas da magnólia, quando vão desfalecendo ao beijo do sol. Mimosa cor de mulher, se a aveluda a pubescência* juvenil, e a luz coa pelo fino tecido, e um sangue puro a escumilha** de róseo matiz. A dela era assim.
Uma altivez de rainha cingia-lhe a fronte, como diadema cintilando na cabeça de um anjo. Havia em toda a sua pessoa um quer que fosse de sublime e excelso que a abstraía da terra. Contemplando-a naquele instante de enlevo, dir-se-ia que ela se preparava para sua celeste ascensão.
(José de Alencar, Diva.)
* Pubescência: puberdade.
** Escumilha: borda sobre escumilha (tecido).
Instrução: O texto a seguir é base para a questão.
Não é possível idear nada mais puro e harmonioso do que o perfil dessa estátua de moça.
Era alta e esbelta. Tinha um desses talhes flexíveis e lançados, que são hastes de lírio para o rosto gentil; porém na mesma delicadeza do porte esculpiam-se os contornos mais graciosos com firme nitidez das linhas e uma deliciosa suavidade nos relevos.
Não era alva, também não era morena. Tinha sua tez a cor das pétalas da magnólia, quando vão desfalecendo ao beijo do sol. Mimosa cor de mulher, se a aveluda a pubescência* juvenil, e a luz coa pelo fino tecido, e um sangue puro a escumilha** de róseo matiz. A dela era assim.
Uma altivez de rainha cingia-lhe a fronte, como diadema cintilando na cabeça de um anjo. Havia em toda a sua pessoa um quer que fosse de sublime e excelso que a abstraía da terra. Contemplando-a naquele instante de enlevo, dir-se-ia que ela se preparava para sua celeste ascensão.
(José de Alencar, Diva.)
* Pubescência: puberdade.
** Escumilha: borda sobre escumilha (tecido).
Instrução: A questão baseia-se nos textos a seguir.
Texto I, de Luís Vaz de Camões
Os bons vi sempre passar
No mundo graves tormentos;
E para mais me espantar,
Os maus vi sempre nadar
Em mar de contentamentos.
Cuidando alcançar assim
O bem tão mal ordenado,
Fui mau, mas fui castigado.
Assim que, só para mim,
Anda o mundo concertado.
Texto II, de Leonardo Mota
O mundo está de tal forma
Que ninguém pode entender:
Uns devem, porém não pagam,
Outros pagam sem dever.
Instrução: A questão baseia-se nos textos a seguir.
Texto I, de Luís Vaz de Camões
Os bons vi sempre passar
No mundo graves tormentos;
E para mais me espantar,
Os maus vi sempre nadar
Em mar de contentamentos.
Cuidando alcançar assim
O bem tão mal ordenado,
Fui mau, mas fui castigado.
Assim que, só para mim,
Anda o mundo concertado.
Texto II, de Leonardo Mota
O mundo está de tal forma
Que ninguém pode entender:
Uns devem, porém não pagam,
Outros pagam sem dever.
Observe a imagem exposta no aeroporto de Brasília, em maio de 2010.
Em conformidade com a norma-padrão, a frase contida na
foto deve ser assim redigida:
A Marquesa de Alegros ficara viúva aos quarenta e três anos, e passava a maior parte do ano retirada em sua quinta de Carcavelos. (...) As suas duas filhas, educadas no receio do Céu e nas preocupações da Moda, eram beatas e faziam o chic falando com igual fervor da humildade cristã e do último figurino de Bruxelas. Um jornalista de então dissera delas: – Pensam todos os dias na toilette com que hão de entrar no Paraíso.
(Eça de Queirós. O crime do padre Amaro.)
O comentário do jornalista deve ser entendido por um viés
Conheça nossos planos