Questões de Concurso Sobre interpretação de texto | reading comprehension em inglês

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Q3118061 Inglês
How online photos and videos alter the way you think



The images we are exposed to on social media and internet websites have a surprising influence on the way we view the world.


Every day we are bombarded with digital images. They appear on our social media feeds, in our search results and the websites we browse. People send them to us via messaging apps or over email. By the end of today, billions more will have been uploaded and shared online.


With the average user spending 6 hours and 40 minutes per day on the internet, according to one report, these images make up a significant portion of our everyday visual input.


And, recent research indicates that they may even be influencing our perceptions.


One study published earlier this year analysed images on Google,Wikipedia and the Internet Movie Database (IMBD), specifically looking at what genders predominated when they searched for different occupations − such as "farmer", "chief executive officer" or "TV reporter". The findings were stark. Although women were underrepresented overall, gender stereotypes were strong. Categories like "plumber", "developer", "investment banker" and "heart surgeon" were far more likely to be male. "Housekeeper", "nurse practitioner", "cheerleader" and "ballet dancer" tended to be female.


So far, so unsurprising. Anecdotally, I found the same phenomenon myself in 2019, when I was trying to find gender-balanced images for this website. Searching on Getty Creative, one of our main stock photo sites, I had found that photographs of male doctors outstripped female doctors by three to one − even though in the US, for example, physicians under 44 at the time were more likely to be female than male. This depiction of medical professionals were only part of the problem. There were twice as many options for photos of women with babies, or for that matter, of women with salads, as of men.


The more biased images AI models themselves spit out, the more we see; the more we see, the more implicitly biased we become ourselves


The latest study, however, took this a step further. Rather than just showing the extent of gender bias in online imagery, the researchers tested whether exposure to these images had any impact on people's own biases. In the experiment, 423 US participants used Google to search for different occupations. Two groups searched by text, using either Google or Google News; another group used Google Images, instead. (A control group also used Google, but to search for categories unrelated to occupations, like "apple" and "guitar"). Then all participants were given an "implicit association test", which measures implicit biases.


Compared to Googling text-based descriptions of occupations, the participants who used Google Images and received visual representations in response showed much higher rates of implicit gender bias after the experiment − both immediately after and three days later.


"The rise of images in popular internet culture may come at a critical social cost," the researchers write. "Our findings are especially alarming given that image-based social media platforms such as Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok are surging in popularity, accelerating the mass production and circulation of images. In parallel, popular search engines such as Google are increasingly incorporating images into their core functionality, for example, by including images as a default part of text-based searches."


There's another growing problem, too: how the images already circulating online are informing and shaping AI models. Earlier this year, I experimented with this myself. I asked ChatGPT to create images for me of dozens of various professionals: doctor, lawyer, scientist, comedian, poet, teacher, customer service representative, nutritionist, thought leader, CEO, expert. Except for two or three results − dental hygienist, nurse and housekeeper − it delivered, again and again, a man. And not just a man, but a slim white man around his 30s with a crop of flowing brown hair.


In a later attempt, trying to get away from career bias, I asked ChatGPT to come up with different sorts of people for me: someone "smart", someone "successful", someone watching an opera, someone watching the show Love Is Blind, someone who quit their job to take care of the kids. Once again, over and over, I got the white guy with the lustrous hair.


Obviously, models like ChatGPT are learning based on the imagery that already exists. But, once again, this may perpetuate a vicious cycle: the more biased images AI models themselves spit out, the more we see; the more we see, the more implicitly biased we become ourselves. And the more biased we become, the more we create and upload our own biased imagery.


So what can be done? A good deal of responsibility lies with the tech and AI companies. But even when their intentions are good, there doesn't seem to be an easy fix. In its attempt to correct for racial, gender and other biases, for example, Google's AI tool Gemini sometimes overcorrected − one image it generated of the US Founding Fathers included a black man, for example, while an image of German soldiers from World War Two featured a black man and an Asian woman.


In the meantime, we need to take control of shaping our digital visual world ourselves.


While it seems obvious, the fact that we can − to a certain extent − curate our social media feeds often goes overlooked. Seeking out accounts and influencers who are of different ethnic and racial backgrounds, or photographers from different parts of the woresults we get by altering the way we phrase the initial query.


The most effective strategy of all might be reclaiming our time. In the eponymous "digital detox plan" of art entrepreneur Marine Tanguy's book The Visual Detox: How to Consume Media Without Letting It Consume You, for example, there are no surprises, but some good, solid reminders − such as putting limits on when you look at a screen or your phone, deleting apps you aren't using, and spending time outside without technology.


I became aware recently that even my several-year-old phone has a timer you can switch on for various apps, choosing whatever time period per day you'd like. While I can't say that I've always heeded its warning when I hit my limit, it's helped me become much more aware of, and cut down on, my social media usage. As we have covered before, putting your phone in another room entirely seems to keep even the thought of checking it at bay.


Above all else, however, it may be awareness that is key. We don't often think about our visual consumption or consider how often we're surrounded by images that have been deliberately created and served to us, often to persuade us to purchase something.


Nor do we think about just how strange and new a phenomenon that is. For the vast majority of human evolutionary history − some 99% of the time we have been around − we wouldn't have seen many images within our own natural environment at all, save some cave paintings or handmade sculptures. While, in Europe, the Renaissance ushered in a new era of image production − which saw the rise of art markets and of artworks made for popular consumption, like printmaking − people still wouldn't have seen anywhere near the number of man-made images that we see today.


In the more than 100,000 generations since the Homo branch of the evolutionary tree emerged, we have evolved to spend far more time looking at the world (and people) around us than at images, never mind images on a screen. Perhaps, it seems, there is an argument for trying to incorporate more of that time away from our screens into our everyday lives today. 


https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20241101-how-online-photos-and-vid eos-alter-the-way-you-think 
What can be inferred about the impact of social media images on viewers, according to the article?
Alternativas
Q3116492 Inglês

NO MAN'S LAND


Mystery of world's only stretch of unclaimed land with NO laws that farmer tried to seize to make daughter a princess


Hidden deep in the African desert lies one of the strangest pieces of land on Earth — not for its beauty, wealth, or strategic value, but because no country wants it.


Bir Tawil is a 2,060-square-kilometre patch of barren desert between Egypt and Sudan, which remains an unusual geopolitical anomaly after decades of being unclaimed.


Those daring to go there face a tough journey, driving through remote desert roads past relics of gold mines and, at times, crossing paths with armed gangs and bandits.


Bir Tawil has long been a quirky favourite for small, often tongue-in-cheek, self-declared "countries" - usually founded by ordinary people across the globe.


With no laws, the land has even drawn would-be "kings," including a US dad who trekked there to fulfil his young daughter's wish of becoming a princess.


Jeremiah Heaton, a Virginia farmer, planted a flag and declared Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" so that his daughter Emily could have a royal title. While the move had no legal bearing, it sparked global interest and debate over land claims and the nature of sovereignty. 


As the dad tells it, Emily had casually asked if she could be a princess, and Heaton, wanting to make her dream come true, started looking for a way to make that happen. While most parents might have gently explained the impracticality of such a request, Heaton took it as a challenge. He began researching unclaimed land where he could theoretically establish a kingdom for Emily, at the time aged six.


In June 2014, Heaton headed to northeastern Africa, reaching Bir Tawil after a challenging journey through the desert. With a homemade blue flag bearing a crown symbol and the name "Heaton," he ceremoniously planted it in the sand, declaring Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" and himself its king. He immediately proclaimed Emily to be a princess, therefore "granting" her the royal title she had wished for.


In 2017, Suyash Dixit, an IT entrepreneur from Indore, India, also claimed Bir Tawil as his own, naming it the "Kingdom of Dixit." After a challenging journey across the desert, he planted a flag, declared himself king, and even "appointed" his father as prime minister. He posted his claim and experience on social media, where it garnered significant attention and sparked a wave of jokes and memes.


There are rumours, though largely unsubstantiated, that Bir Tawil contains hidden gold deposits.


While Egypt and Sudan have both had ancient ties to gold mining, particularly in the Nubian Desert, Bir Tawil itself is rarely studied or mined. These rumours, however, have attracted a few treasure hunters and adventurers over the years, hoping to uncover hidden riches in the desert.


Some have even joked about Bir Tawil as a potential "backup homeland" for populations affected by natural disasters. While obviously impractical, the idea underscores the paradox of unclaimed land in a time when territorial disputes are common.


Despite several stunts and theories, Bir Tawil remains unclaimed due to a unique border dispute between Egypt and Sudan.


The journey to Bir Tawil is lengthy and can take anywhere from two days to a week, depending on the starting point, route, and conditions. Due to its isolation and extreme desert environment, the journey requires careful planning, local knowledge, and permission from authorities in Egypt or Sudan.


Most travellers begin in Aswan, Egypt, or Khartoum, Sudan, as these are the nearest large cities with transportation infrastructure. From Aswan, the trip typically involves a long desert drive heading southward toward the Egypt-Sudan border.


Both countries monitor the border area closely, with visitors needing permits and a good guide familiar with the region. Egypt, in particular, restricts movement near the border, especially in sensitive zones close to the Hala'ib Triangle.


The trip to Bir Tawil from either Egypt or Sudan covers hundreds of kilometres across remote, rugged desert terrain. Explorers often follow dirt tracks used by nomadic tribes, miners, or military patrols, though few roads are mapped or maintained. The drive can take days and usually involves off-road vehicles capable of handling deep sand and rough trails.


There are no towns, water sources, or services along the way, so travellers must bring ample water, food, fuel, and spare parts. And to make matters worse, armed gangs, smugglers, and bandits often prey upon those venturing in the desert, particularly along less-monitored routes.


The origins of this unclaimed desert stretch back to British colonial rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when overlapping boundary lines inadvertently left Bir Tawil in a legal limbo.


In 1899, while both Egypt and Sudan were under British administration, a formal border was established along the 22nd parallel north. This placed Bir Tawil, an arid and resource-poor patch of desert, in Egyptian territory, while a more valuable area, the Hala'ib Triangle, was assigned to Sudan.


But in 1902, the British changed the boundary to fit the local tribes' movements, putting Bir Tawil in Sudan instead and giving Egypt control over the fertile Hala'ib Triangle.


When Egypt and Sudan became independent, each country wanted the Hala'ib Triangle because it has good land and access to the Red Sea.


Egypt claims it based on the 1899 line, while Sudan uses the 1902 line to support its claim. Bir Tawil, a barren desert with no resources, has no value to either country.


To claim the Hala'ib Triangle, each country must reject Bir Tawil — because they can't claim both under their chosen boundary line. So by claiming Hala'ib, they essentially "give away" Bir Tawil, leaving it unwanted.


The territory is therefore unclaimed because Egypt and Sudan only want the valuable land next to it, not Bir Tawil itself.


For now, Bir Tawil endures as a strange relic of colonial history and an unlikely symbol of modern-day geopolitics — a land still ungoverned and, in all likelihood, destined to remain unclaimed.


Source:

https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-bel ongs-to-no-nation/ (adapted)


https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-belongs-to-no-nation/

According to the story of Bir Tawil, different individuals have used social media to share their experiences of "claiming" this land. What does this reflect about the modern use of social media in personal narratives?
Alternativas
Q3116487 Inglês

NO MAN'S LAND


Mystery of world's only stretch of unclaimed land with NO laws that farmer tried to seize to make daughter a princess


Hidden deep in the African desert lies one of the strangest pieces of land on Earth — not for its beauty, wealth, or strategic value, but because no country wants it.


Bir Tawil is a 2,060-square-kilometre patch of barren desert between Egypt and Sudan, which remains an unusual geopolitical anomaly after decades of being unclaimed.


Those daring to go there face a tough journey, driving through remote desert roads past relics of gold mines and, at times, crossing paths with armed gangs and bandits.


Bir Tawil has long been a quirky favourite for small, often tongue-in-cheek, self-declared "countries" - usually founded by ordinary people across the globe.


With no laws, the land has even drawn would-be "kings," including a US dad who trekked there to fulfil his young daughter's wish of becoming a princess.


Jeremiah Heaton, a Virginia farmer, planted a flag and declared Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" so that his daughter Emily could have a royal title. While the move had no legal bearing, it sparked global interest and debate over land claims and the nature of sovereignty. 


As the dad tells it, Emily had casually asked if she could be a princess, and Heaton, wanting to make her dream come true, started looking for a way to make that happen. While most parents might have gently explained the impracticality of such a request, Heaton took it as a challenge. He began researching unclaimed land where he could theoretically establish a kingdom for Emily, at the time aged six.


In June 2014, Heaton headed to northeastern Africa, reaching Bir Tawil after a challenging journey through the desert. With a homemade blue flag bearing a crown symbol and the name "Heaton," he ceremoniously planted it in the sand, declaring Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" and himself its king. He immediately proclaimed Emily to be a princess, therefore "granting" her the royal title she had wished for.


In 2017, Suyash Dixit, an IT entrepreneur from Indore, India, also claimed Bir Tawil as his own, naming it the "Kingdom of Dixit." After a challenging journey across the desert, he planted a flag, declared himself king, and even "appointed" his father as prime minister. He posted his claim and experience on social media, where it garnered significant attention and sparked a wave of jokes and memes.


There are rumours, though largely unsubstantiated, that Bir Tawil contains hidden gold deposits.


While Egypt and Sudan have both had ancient ties to gold mining, particularly in the Nubian Desert, Bir Tawil itself is rarely studied or mined. These rumours, however, have attracted a few treasure hunters and adventurers over the years, hoping to uncover hidden riches in the desert.


Some have even joked about Bir Tawil as a potential "backup homeland" for populations affected by natural disasters. While obviously impractical, the idea underscores the paradox of unclaimed land in a time when territorial disputes are common.


Despite several stunts and theories, Bir Tawil remains unclaimed due to a unique border dispute between Egypt and Sudan.


The journey to Bir Tawil is lengthy and can take anywhere from two days to a week, depending on the starting point, route, and conditions. Due to its isolation and extreme desert environment, the journey requires careful planning, local knowledge, and permission from authorities in Egypt or Sudan.


Most travellers begin in Aswan, Egypt, or Khartoum, Sudan, as these are the nearest large cities with transportation infrastructure. From Aswan, the trip typically involves a long desert drive heading southward toward the Egypt-Sudan border.


Both countries monitor the border area closely, with visitors needing permits and a good guide familiar with the region. Egypt, in particular, restricts movement near the border, especially in sensitive zones close to the Hala'ib Triangle.


The trip to Bir Tawil from either Egypt or Sudan covers hundreds of kilometres across remote, rugged desert terrain. Explorers often follow dirt tracks used by nomadic tribes, miners, or military patrols, though few roads are mapped or maintained. The drive can take days and usually involves off-road vehicles capable of handling deep sand and rough trails.


There are no towns, water sources, or services along the way, so travellers must bring ample water, food, fuel, and spare parts. And to make matters worse, armed gangs, smugglers, and bandits often prey upon those venturing in the desert, particularly along less-monitored routes.


The origins of this unclaimed desert stretch back to British colonial rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when overlapping boundary lines inadvertently left Bir Tawil in a legal limbo.


In 1899, while both Egypt and Sudan were under British administration, a formal border was established along the 22nd parallel north. This placed Bir Tawil, an arid and resource-poor patch of desert, in Egyptian territory, while a more valuable area, the Hala'ib Triangle, was assigned to Sudan.


But in 1902, the British changed the boundary to fit the local tribes' movements, putting Bir Tawil in Sudan instead and giving Egypt control over the fertile Hala'ib Triangle.


When Egypt and Sudan became independent, each country wanted the Hala'ib Triangle because it has good land and access to the Red Sea.


Egypt claims it based on the 1899 line, while Sudan uses the 1902 line to support its claim. Bir Tawil, a barren desert with no resources, has no value to either country.


To claim the Hala'ib Triangle, each country must reject Bir Tawil — because they can't claim both under their chosen boundary line. So by claiming Hala'ib, they essentially "give away" Bir Tawil, leaving it unwanted.


The territory is therefore unclaimed because Egypt and Sudan only want the valuable land next to it, not Bir Tawil itself.


For now, Bir Tawil endures as a strange relic of colonial history and an unlikely symbol of modern-day geopolitics — a land still ungoverned and, in all likelihood, destined to remain unclaimed.


Source:

https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-bel ongs-to-no-nation/ (adapted)


https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-belongs-to-no-nation/

What can be inferred about the general attitude of the international community towards the self-declared "kingdoms" established in Bir Tawil?
Alternativas
Q3116484 Inglês

NO MAN'S LAND


Mystery of world's only stretch of unclaimed land with NO laws that farmer tried to seize to make daughter a princess


Hidden deep in the African desert lies one of the strangest pieces of land on Earth — not for its beauty, wealth, or strategic value, but because no country wants it.


Bir Tawil is a 2,060-square-kilometre patch of barren desert between Egypt and Sudan, which remains an unusual geopolitical anomaly after decades of being unclaimed.


Those daring to go there face a tough journey, driving through remote desert roads past relics of gold mines and, at times, crossing paths with armed gangs and bandits.


Bir Tawil has long been a quirky favourite for small, often tongue-in-cheek, self-declared "countries" - usually founded by ordinary people across the globe.


With no laws, the land has even drawn would-be "kings," including a US dad who trekked there to fulfil his young daughter's wish of becoming a princess.


Jeremiah Heaton, a Virginia farmer, planted a flag and declared Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" so that his daughter Emily could have a royal title. While the move had no legal bearing, it sparked global interest and debate over land claims and the nature of sovereignty. 


As the dad tells it, Emily had casually asked if she could be a princess, and Heaton, wanting to make her dream come true, started looking for a way to make that happen. While most parents might have gently explained the impracticality of such a request, Heaton took it as a challenge. He began researching unclaimed land where he could theoretically establish a kingdom for Emily, at the time aged six.


In June 2014, Heaton headed to northeastern Africa, reaching Bir Tawil after a challenging journey through the desert. With a homemade blue flag bearing a crown symbol and the name "Heaton," he ceremoniously planted it in the sand, declaring Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" and himself its king. He immediately proclaimed Emily to be a princess, therefore "granting" her the royal title she had wished for.


In 2017, Suyash Dixit, an IT entrepreneur from Indore, India, also claimed Bir Tawil as his own, naming it the "Kingdom of Dixit." After a challenging journey across the desert, he planted a flag, declared himself king, and even "appointed" his father as prime minister. He posted his claim and experience on social media, where it garnered significant attention and sparked a wave of jokes and memes.


There are rumours, though largely unsubstantiated, that Bir Tawil contains hidden gold deposits.


While Egypt and Sudan have both had ancient ties to gold mining, particularly in the Nubian Desert, Bir Tawil itself is rarely studied or mined. These rumours, however, have attracted a few treasure hunters and adventurers over the years, hoping to uncover hidden riches in the desert.


Some have even joked about Bir Tawil as a potential "backup homeland" for populations affected by natural disasters. While obviously impractical, the idea underscores the paradox of unclaimed land in a time when territorial disputes are common.


Despite several stunts and theories, Bir Tawil remains unclaimed due to a unique border dispute between Egypt and Sudan.


The journey to Bir Tawil is lengthy and can take anywhere from two days to a week, depending on the starting point, route, and conditions. Due to its isolation and extreme desert environment, the journey requires careful planning, local knowledge, and permission from authorities in Egypt or Sudan.


Most travellers begin in Aswan, Egypt, or Khartoum, Sudan, as these are the nearest large cities with transportation infrastructure. From Aswan, the trip typically involves a long desert drive heading southward toward the Egypt-Sudan border.


Both countries monitor the border area closely, with visitors needing permits and a good guide familiar with the region. Egypt, in particular, restricts movement near the border, especially in sensitive zones close to the Hala'ib Triangle.


The trip to Bir Tawil from either Egypt or Sudan covers hundreds of kilometres across remote, rugged desert terrain. Explorers often follow dirt tracks used by nomadic tribes, miners, or military patrols, though few roads are mapped or maintained. The drive can take days and usually involves off-road vehicles capable of handling deep sand and rough trails.


There are no towns, water sources, or services along the way, so travellers must bring ample water, food, fuel, and spare parts. And to make matters worse, armed gangs, smugglers, and bandits often prey upon those venturing in the desert, particularly along less-monitored routes.


The origins of this unclaimed desert stretch back to British colonial rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when overlapping boundary lines inadvertently left Bir Tawil in a legal limbo.


In 1899, while both Egypt and Sudan were under British administration, a formal border was established along the 22nd parallel north. This placed Bir Tawil, an arid and resource-poor patch of desert, in Egyptian territory, while a more valuable area, the Hala'ib Triangle, was assigned to Sudan.


But in 1902, the British changed the boundary to fit the local tribes' movements, putting Bir Tawil in Sudan instead and giving Egypt control over the fertile Hala'ib Triangle.


When Egypt and Sudan became independent, each country wanted the Hala'ib Triangle because it has good land and access to the Red Sea.


Egypt claims it based on the 1899 line, while Sudan uses the 1902 line to support its claim. Bir Tawil, a barren desert with no resources, has no value to either country.


To claim the Hala'ib Triangle, each country must reject Bir Tawil — because they can't claim both under their chosen boundary line. So by claiming Hala'ib, they essentially "give away" Bir Tawil, leaving it unwanted.


The territory is therefore unclaimed because Egypt and Sudan only want the valuable land next to it, not Bir Tawil itself.


For now, Bir Tawil endures as a strange relic of colonial history and an unlikely symbol of modern-day geopolitics — a land still ungoverned and, in all likelihood, destined to remain unclaimed.


Source:

https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-bel ongs-to-no-nation/ (adapted)


https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-belongs-to-no-nation/

Bir Tawil is a unique unclaimed land with a complicated historical and geopolitical background. Based on this situation, choose the correct answer regarding why Bir Tawil remains unclaimed.
Alternativas
Q3116483 Inglês

NO MAN'S LAND


Mystery of world's only stretch of unclaimed land with NO laws that farmer tried to seize to make daughter a princess


Hidden deep in the African desert lies one of the strangest pieces of land on Earth — not for its beauty, wealth, or strategic value, but because no country wants it.


Bir Tawil is a 2,060-square-kilometre patch of barren desert between Egypt and Sudan, which remains an unusual geopolitical anomaly after decades of being unclaimed.


Those daring to go there face a tough journey, driving through remote desert roads past relics of gold mines and, at times, crossing paths with armed gangs and bandits.


Bir Tawil has long been a quirky favourite for small, often tongue-in-cheek, self-declared "countries" - usually founded by ordinary people across the globe.


With no laws, the land has even drawn would-be "kings," including a US dad who trekked there to fulfil his young daughter's wish of becoming a princess.


Jeremiah Heaton, a Virginia farmer, planted a flag and declared Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" so that his daughter Emily could have a royal title. While the move had no legal bearing, it sparked global interest and debate over land claims and the nature of sovereignty. 


As the dad tells it, Emily had casually asked if she could be a princess, and Heaton, wanting to make her dream come true, started looking for a way to make that happen. While most parents might have gently explained the impracticality of such a request, Heaton took it as a challenge. He began researching unclaimed land where he could theoretically establish a kingdom for Emily, at the time aged six.


In June 2014, Heaton headed to northeastern Africa, reaching Bir Tawil after a challenging journey through the desert. With a homemade blue flag bearing a crown symbol and the name "Heaton," he ceremoniously planted it in the sand, declaring Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" and himself its king. He immediately proclaimed Emily to be a princess, therefore "granting" her the royal title she had wished for.


In 2017, Suyash Dixit, an IT entrepreneur from Indore, India, also claimed Bir Tawil as his own, naming it the "Kingdom of Dixit." After a challenging journey across the desert, he planted a flag, declared himself king, and even "appointed" his father as prime minister. He posted his claim and experience on social media, where it garnered significant attention and sparked a wave of jokes and memes.


There are rumours, though largely unsubstantiated, that Bir Tawil contains hidden gold deposits.


While Egypt and Sudan have both had ancient ties to gold mining, particularly in the Nubian Desert, Bir Tawil itself is rarely studied or mined. These rumours, however, have attracted a few treasure hunters and adventurers over the years, hoping to uncover hidden riches in the desert.


Some have even joked about Bir Tawil as a potential "backup homeland" for populations affected by natural disasters. While obviously impractical, the idea underscores the paradox of unclaimed land in a time when territorial disputes are common.


Despite several stunts and theories, Bir Tawil remains unclaimed due to a unique border dispute between Egypt and Sudan.


The journey to Bir Tawil is lengthy and can take anywhere from two days to a week, depending on the starting point, route, and conditions. Due to its isolation and extreme desert environment, the journey requires careful planning, local knowledge, and permission from authorities in Egypt or Sudan.


Most travellers begin in Aswan, Egypt, or Khartoum, Sudan, as these are the nearest large cities with transportation infrastructure. From Aswan, the trip typically involves a long desert drive heading southward toward the Egypt-Sudan border.


Both countries monitor the border area closely, with visitors needing permits and a good guide familiar with the region. Egypt, in particular, restricts movement near the border, especially in sensitive zones close to the Hala'ib Triangle.


The trip to Bir Tawil from either Egypt or Sudan covers hundreds of kilometres across remote, rugged desert terrain. Explorers often follow dirt tracks used by nomadic tribes, miners, or military patrols, though few roads are mapped or maintained. The drive can take days and usually involves off-road vehicles capable of handling deep sand and rough trails.


There are no towns, water sources, or services along the way, so travellers must bring ample water, food, fuel, and spare parts. And to make matters worse, armed gangs, smugglers, and bandits often prey upon those venturing in the desert, particularly along less-monitored routes.


The origins of this unclaimed desert stretch back to British colonial rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when overlapping boundary lines inadvertently left Bir Tawil in a legal limbo.


In 1899, while both Egypt and Sudan were under British administration, a formal border was established along the 22nd parallel north. This placed Bir Tawil, an arid and resource-poor patch of desert, in Egyptian territory, while a more valuable area, the Hala'ib Triangle, was assigned to Sudan.


But in 1902, the British changed the boundary to fit the local tribes' movements, putting Bir Tawil in Sudan instead and giving Egypt control over the fertile Hala'ib Triangle.


When Egypt and Sudan became independent, each country wanted the Hala'ib Triangle because it has good land and access to the Red Sea.


Egypt claims it based on the 1899 line, while Sudan uses the 1902 line to support its claim. Bir Tawil, a barren desert with no resources, has no value to either country.


To claim the Hala'ib Triangle, each country must reject Bir Tawil — because they can't claim both under their chosen boundary line. So by claiming Hala'ib, they essentially "give away" Bir Tawil, leaving it unwanted.


The territory is therefore unclaimed because Egypt and Sudan only want the valuable land next to it, not Bir Tawil itself.


For now, Bir Tawil endures as a strange relic of colonial history and an unlikely symbol of modern-day geopolitics — a land still ungoverned and, in all likelihood, destined to remain unclaimed.


Source:

https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-bel ongs-to-no-nation/ (adapted)


https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-belongs-to-no-nation/

From the text, what conclusion can be drawn about the challenges of reaching Bir Tawil? 
Alternativas
Q3116476 Inglês

NO MAN'S LAND


Mystery of world's only stretch of unclaimed land with NO laws that farmer tried to seize to make daughter a princess


Hidden deep in the African desert lies one of the strangest pieces of land on Earth — not for its beauty, wealth, or strategic value, but because no country wants it.


Bir Tawil is a 2,060-square-kilometre patch of barren desert between Egypt and Sudan, which remains an unusual geopolitical anomaly after decades of being unclaimed.


Those daring to go there face a tough journey, driving through remote desert roads past relics of gold mines and, at times, crossing paths with armed gangs and bandits.


Bir Tawil has long been a quirky favourite for small, often tongue-in-cheek, self-declared "countries" - usually founded by ordinary people across the globe.


With no laws, the land has even drawn would-be "kings," including a US dad who trekked there to fulfil his young daughter's wish of becoming a princess.


Jeremiah Heaton, a Virginia farmer, planted a flag and declared Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" so that his daughter Emily could have a royal title. While the move had no legal bearing, it sparked global interest and debate over land claims and the nature of sovereignty. 


As the dad tells it, Emily had casually asked if she could be a princess, and Heaton, wanting to make her dream come true, started looking for a way to make that happen. While most parents might have gently explained the impracticality of such a request, Heaton took it as a challenge. He began researching unclaimed land where he could theoretically establish a kingdom for Emily, at the time aged six.


In June 2014, Heaton headed to northeastern Africa, reaching Bir Tawil after a challenging journey through the desert. With a homemade blue flag bearing a crown symbol and the name "Heaton," he ceremoniously planted it in the sand, declaring Bir Tawil the "Kingdom of North Sudan" and himself its king. He immediately proclaimed Emily to be a princess, therefore "granting" her the royal title she had wished for.


In 2017, Suyash Dixit, an IT entrepreneur from Indore, India, also claimed Bir Tawil as his own, naming it the "Kingdom of Dixit." After a challenging journey across the desert, he planted a flag, declared himself king, and even "appointed" his father as prime minister. He posted his claim and experience on social media, where it garnered significant attention and sparked a wave of jokes and memes.


There are rumours, though largely unsubstantiated, that Bir Tawil contains hidden gold deposits.


While Egypt and Sudan have both had ancient ties to gold mining, particularly in the Nubian Desert, Bir Tawil itself is rarely studied or mined. These rumours, however, have attracted a few treasure hunters and adventurers over the years, hoping to uncover hidden riches in the desert.


Some have even joked about Bir Tawil as a potential "backup homeland" for populations affected by natural disasters. While obviously impractical, the idea underscores the paradox of unclaimed land in a time when territorial disputes are common.


Despite several stunts and theories, Bir Tawil remains unclaimed due to a unique border dispute between Egypt and Sudan.


The journey to Bir Tawil is lengthy and can take anywhere from two days to a week, depending on the starting point, route, and conditions. Due to its isolation and extreme desert environment, the journey requires careful planning, local knowledge, and permission from authorities in Egypt or Sudan.


Most travellers begin in Aswan, Egypt, or Khartoum, Sudan, as these are the nearest large cities with transportation infrastructure. From Aswan, the trip typically involves a long desert drive heading southward toward the Egypt-Sudan border.


Both countries monitor the border area closely, with visitors needing permits and a good guide familiar with the region. Egypt, in particular, restricts movement near the border, especially in sensitive zones close to the Hala'ib Triangle.


The trip to Bir Tawil from either Egypt or Sudan covers hundreds of kilometres across remote, rugged desert terrain. Explorers often follow dirt tracks used by nomadic tribes, miners, or military patrols, though few roads are mapped or maintained. The drive can take days and usually involves off-road vehicles capable of handling deep sand and rough trails.


There are no towns, water sources, or services along the way, so travellers must bring ample water, food, fuel, and spare parts. And to make matters worse, armed gangs, smugglers, and bandits often prey upon those venturing in the desert, particularly along less-monitored routes.


The origins of this unclaimed desert stretch back to British colonial rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when overlapping boundary lines inadvertently left Bir Tawil in a legal limbo.


In 1899, while both Egypt and Sudan were under British administration, a formal border was established along the 22nd parallel north. This placed Bir Tawil, an arid and resource-poor patch of desert, in Egyptian territory, while a more valuable area, the Hala'ib Triangle, was assigned to Sudan.


But in 1902, the British changed the boundary to fit the local tribes' movements, putting Bir Tawil in Sudan instead and giving Egypt control over the fertile Hala'ib Triangle.


When Egypt and Sudan became independent, each country wanted the Hala'ib Triangle because it has good land and access to the Red Sea.


Egypt claims it based on the 1899 line, while Sudan uses the 1902 line to support its claim. Bir Tawil, a barren desert with no resources, has no value to either country.


To claim the Hala'ib Triangle, each country must reject Bir Tawil — because they can't claim both under their chosen boundary line. So by claiming Hala'ib, they essentially "give away" Bir Tawil, leaving it unwanted.


The territory is therefore unclaimed because Egypt and Sudan only want the valuable land next to it, not Bir Tawil itself.


For now, Bir Tawil endures as a strange relic of colonial history and an unlikely symbol of modern-day geopolitics — a land still ungoverned and, in all likelihood, destined to remain unclaimed.


Source:

https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-bel ongs-to-no-nation/ (adapted)


https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/30658172/bir-tawil-land-that-belongs-to-no-nation/

According to the text, what can be inferred about the historical background of Bir Tawil based on its current unclaimed status?
Alternativas
Q3111148 Inglês
TEXT:

Four Key Language Skills: Speaking, Listening, Reading, and Writing
Discover how these skills interconnect and contribute to language proficiency, communication, and personal development

Language is a multifaceted tool that serves as a means of communication, expression, and understanding. Within the realm of language acquisition, four primary skills play a central role: speaking, listening, reading, and writing. Each of these skills contributes uniquely to one's language proficiency and plays a vital role in different aspects of life. In this post, we will delve into the relative importance of these four key language skills and how they complement each other.
Speaking is often considered the most critical language skill, as it directly enables human communication. It facilitates interaction with others, both socially and professionally, allowing individuals to express their thoughts, ideas, and emotions effectively. The ability to speak fluently is especially crucial in situations like business negotiations, job interviews, and everyday conversations. Effective speaking enhances one's confidence, builds relationships, and fosters cultural understanding. 
Listening is the counterpart to speaking, and it is equally essential in effective communication. Without strong listening skills, misunderstandings can arise, leading to breakdowns in communication. Active listening involves not only hearing words but also comprehending their meaning, tone, and context. Proficient listening enhances language learners' ability to engage in meaningful conversations, understand cultural nuances, and respond appropriately. In educational settings, strong listening skills are crucial for learning and comprehension.
Reading expands one's knowledge and understanding of language. It allows individuals to access a vast wealth of information, literature, and culture. Through reading, individuals can explore diverse perspectives, historical accounts, and contemporary issues. Reading also plays a significant role in academic and professional contexts, where individuals are required to process, analyze, and synthesize written information. Strong reading skills lead to improved vocabulary, comprehension, and critical thinking. 
Writing is the skill that allows individuals to express their thoughts and ideas in a structured and organized manner. It serves as a means of documentation, creativity, and self-expression. In academic and professional settings, effective writing is essential for creating reports, essays, emails, and other forms of communication. It also plays a crucial role in preserving knowledge, culture, and history through the written word. Strong writing skills enable individuals to convey their thoughts with clarity and precision.
While each of these four language skills holds significance on its own, their importance is interconnected. They complement and reinforce each other, creating a holistic language proficiency. For instance, strong listening skills aid in developing accurate pronunciation when speaking. Reading enhances vocabulary, which in turn improves writing. Writing practice can lead to a deeper understanding of grammatical structures, benefiting both speaking and listening.
Moreover, in the modern world, technology has blurred the lines between these skills. Communication platforms, such as social media and instant messaging, require a combination of speaking, listening, reading, and writing. Multimedia content, including videos and podcasts, encourages learners to engage in both listening and speaking activities.
In conclusion, the four key language skills - speaking, listening, reading, and writing - each hold a unique and essential place in language acquisition and proficiency. Their relative importance depends on the context, goals, and individual preferences. However, it is the interplay of these skills that results in a well-rounded and effective communicator. Language learners benefit most when they strive for balance and competence in all four skills, enabling them to navigate the complexities of language in diverse personal, educational, and professional settings.


Available in: https://www.verbalplanet.com/blog/the-four-key-language-skillsimportance.asp Acesso em 21/10/2024

No trecho: “In this post, we will delve into the relative importance of these four key language skills and how they complement each other”, o termo em destaque tem como definição: 
Alternativas
Q3111145 Inglês
TEXT:

Four Key Language Skills: Speaking, Listening, Reading, and Writing
Discover how these skills interconnect and contribute to language proficiency, communication, and personal development

Language is a multifaceted tool that serves as a means of communication, expression, and understanding. Within the realm of language acquisition, four primary skills play a central role: speaking, listening, reading, and writing. Each of these skills contributes uniquely to one's language proficiency and plays a vital role in different aspects of life. In this post, we will delve into the relative importance of these four key language skills and how they complement each other.
Speaking is often considered the most critical language skill, as it directly enables human communication. It facilitates interaction with others, both socially and professionally, allowing individuals to express their thoughts, ideas, and emotions effectively. The ability to speak fluently is especially crucial in situations like business negotiations, job interviews, and everyday conversations. Effective speaking enhances one's confidence, builds relationships, and fosters cultural understanding. 
Listening is the counterpart to speaking, and it is equally essential in effective communication. Without strong listening skills, misunderstandings can arise, leading to breakdowns in communication. Active listening involves not only hearing words but also comprehending their meaning, tone, and context. Proficient listening enhances language learners' ability to engage in meaningful conversations, understand cultural nuances, and respond appropriately. In educational settings, strong listening skills are crucial for learning and comprehension.
Reading expands one's knowledge and understanding of language. It allows individuals to access a vast wealth of information, literature, and culture. Through reading, individuals can explore diverse perspectives, historical accounts, and contemporary issues. Reading also plays a significant role in academic and professional contexts, where individuals are required to process, analyze, and synthesize written information. Strong reading skills lead to improved vocabulary, comprehension, and critical thinking. 
Writing is the skill that allows individuals to express their thoughts and ideas in a structured and organized manner. It serves as a means of documentation, creativity, and self-expression. In academic and professional settings, effective writing is essential for creating reports, essays, emails, and other forms of communication. It also plays a crucial role in preserving knowledge, culture, and history through the written word. Strong writing skills enable individuals to convey their thoughts with clarity and precision.
While each of these four language skills holds significance on its own, their importance is interconnected. They complement and reinforce each other, creating a holistic language proficiency. For instance, strong listening skills aid in developing accurate pronunciation when speaking. Reading enhances vocabulary, which in turn improves writing. Writing practice can lead to a deeper understanding of grammatical structures, benefiting both speaking and listening.
Moreover, in the modern world, technology has blurred the lines between these skills. Communication platforms, such as social media and instant messaging, require a combination of speaking, listening, reading, and writing. Multimedia content, including videos and podcasts, encourages learners to engage in both listening and speaking activities.
In conclusion, the four key language skills - speaking, listening, reading, and writing - each hold a unique and essential place in language acquisition and proficiency. Their relative importance depends on the context, goals, and individual preferences. However, it is the interplay of these skills that results in a well-rounded and effective communicator. Language learners benefit most when they strive for balance and competence in all four skills, enabling them to navigate the complexities of language in diverse personal, educational, and professional settings.


Available in: https://www.verbalplanet.com/blog/the-four-key-language-skillsimportance.asp Acesso em 21/10/2024

De acordo com o texto, a ação que permite ao aprendiz a expansão do conhecimento e do vocabulário, bem como a exploração de diversas perspectivas e relatos históricos, levando a uma melhor compreensão dos fatos e a um pensamento crítico é a: 
Alternativas
Q3111012 Inglês
    The Internet, as anyone who works deep in its trenches will tell you, is not a smooth, well-oiled machine. It’s a messy patchwork that has been assembled over decades, and it is held together with the digital equivalent of duct tape and bubble gum. Much of it relies on open-source software that is thanklessly maintained by a small army of volunteer programmers who fix the bugs.
Internet: <www.nytimes.com> (adapted). 

Considering the previous text and its linguistic aspects, judge the following item.

The Internet depends on software that is poorly maintained by a large team of volunteer programmers.
Alternativas
Q3111011 Inglês
    The Internet, as anyone who works deep in its trenches will tell you, is not a smooth, well-oiled machine. It’s a messy patchwork that has been assembled over decades, and it is held together with the digital equivalent of duct tape and bubble gum. Much of it relies on open-source software that is thanklessly maintained by a small army of volunteer programmers who fix the bugs.
Internet: <www.nytimes.com> (adapted). 

Considering the previous text and its linguistic aspects, judge the following item.

The author suggests that the Internet is, metaphorically speaking, a malfunctioning machine.
Alternativas
Q3111010 Inglês
    The Internet, as anyone who works deep in its trenches will tell you, is not a smooth, well-oiled machine. It’s a messy patchwork that has been assembled over decades, and it is held together with the digital equivalent of duct tape and bubble gum. Much of it relies on open-source software that is thanklessly maintained by a small army of volunteer programmers who fix the bugs.
Internet: <www.nytimes.com> (adapted). 

Considering the previous text and its linguistic aspects, judge the following item.

The word “it”, in the last sentence of the text, refers to “bubble gum”, mentioned in the prior sentence. 
Alternativas
Q3111009 Inglês
    “Certainly, here is a possible introduction for your topic...”, began a recent article in Surfaces and Interfaces, a scientific journal. Attentive readers might have wondered who exactly that bizarre opening line was addressing. They might also have wondered whether the article was written by a human or by a machine.      It is a question ever more readers of scientific papers are asking. LLMs (Large Language Models) are now more than good enough to help write a scientific paper. They can breathe life into dense scientific prose and speed up the drafting process, especially for non-native English speakers. Such use also comes with risks: LLMs are particularly susceptible to reproducing biases, for example, and can churn out vast amounts of plausible nonsense. 
Internet:<economist.com>(adapted). 

According to the information stated in the preceding text and the vocabulary used in it, judge the following item.

The first sentence of the second paragraph could be correctly rewritten as It is a question that readers of scientific papers are increasingly asking.
Alternativas
Q3111008 Inglês
    “Certainly, here is a possible introduction for your topic...”, began a recent article in Surfaces and Interfaces, a scientific journal. Attentive readers might have wondered who exactly that bizarre opening line was addressing. They might also have wondered whether the article was written by a human or by a machine.      It is a question ever more readers of scientific papers are asking. LLMs (Large Language Models) are now more than good enough to help write a scientific paper. They can breathe life into dense scientific prose and speed up the drafting process, especially for non-native English speakers. Such use also comes with risks: LLMs are particularly susceptible to reproducing biases, for example, and can churn out vast amounts of plausible nonsense. 
Internet:<economist.com>(adapted). 

According to the information stated in the preceding text and the vocabulary used in it, judge the following item.

The article mentioned in the first paragraph of the text was written with the help of LLMs.
Alternativas
Q3111007 Inglês
    “Certainly, here is a possible introduction for your topic...”, began a recent article in Surfaces and Interfaces, a scientific journal. Attentive readers might have wondered who exactly that bizarre opening line was addressing. They might also have wondered whether the article was written by a human or by a machine.      It is a question ever more readers of scientific papers are asking. LLMs (Large Language Models) are now more than good enough to help write a scientific paper. They can breathe life into dense scientific prose and speed up the drafting process, especially for non-native English speakers. Such use also comes with risks: LLMs are particularly susceptible to reproducing biases, for example, and can churn out vast amounts of plausible nonsense. 
Internet:<economist.com>(adapted). 

According to the information stated in the preceding text and the vocabulary used in it, judge the following item.

The expression “churn out” (last sentence of the text) could be replaced with crank out, without harming the correctness of the sentence or its original meaning.  
Alternativas
Q3111006 Inglês
    “Certainly, here is a possible introduction for your topic...”, began a recent article in Surfaces and Interfaces, a scientific journal. Attentive readers might have wondered who exactly that bizarre opening line was addressing. They might also have wondered whether the article was written by a human or by a machine.      It is a question ever more readers of scientific papers are asking. LLMs (Large Language Models) are now more than good enough to help write a scientific paper. They can breathe life into dense scientific prose and speed up the drafting process, especially for non-native English speakers. Such use also comes with risks: LLMs are particularly susceptible to reproducing biases, for example, and can churn out vast amounts of plausible nonsense. 
Internet:<economist.com>(adapted). 

According to the information stated in the preceding text and the vocabulary used in it, judge the following item.

Large Language Models are able to produce flawless scientific texts.
Alternativas
Q3111005 Inglês
    “Certainly, here is a possible introduction for your topic...”, began a recent article in Surfaces and Interfaces, a scientific journal. Attentive readers might have wondered who exactly that bizarre opening line was addressing. They might also have wondered whether the article was written by a human or by a machine.      It is a question ever more readers of scientific papers are asking. LLMs (Large Language Models) are now more than good enough to help write a scientific paper. They can breathe life into dense scientific prose and speed up the drafting process, especially for non-native English speakers. Such use also comes with risks: LLMs are particularly susceptible to reproducing biases, for example, and can churn out vast amounts of plausible nonsense. 
Internet:<economist.com>(adapted). 

According to the information stated in the preceding text and the vocabulary used in it, judge the following item.

The word “biases” (last sentence of the text) is, in its context, an adverb.
Alternativas
Q3110409 Inglês
A teacher plans a lesson to enhance students' comprehension and interpretation skills by focusing on context clues, word morphology, and syntactic structures.
During the lesson, students are given the following sentence to analyze:

Despite the ostensibly jubilant atmosphere, the protagonist's inner turmoil was palpable, rendering the scene profoundly melancholic.

Which of the following techniques would most effectively teach students to interpret the meaning of the word "ostensibly" within this context?
Alternativas
Q3108921 Inglês

TEXT:


Making homework count

By Stephanie Hirschman

October 8, 2024



Homework and independent study can make a massive contribution to students’ progress, particularly when classes don’t meet daily, or students aren’t living, working or studying in anglophone environments. There are several issues to consider when setting homework.

Why students are doing homework is a fundamental question which can cover a wide spectrum of reasons. The most obvious is that it offers both teachers and students a chance to check on learning and identify areas for further review and consolidation. Exam preparation courses make use of homework to consolidate and accelerate learning and deliver results. Finally, some institutions require teachers to set homework and some clients, for example parents, believe that a course with homework offers better value for money.

Whatever the reason behind setting homework, be clear with students about how they’ll benefit from the assignment, how to do it effectively, how long they should spend on it and how it will be marked.

The homework that many people expect from a language course is “more of the same” exercises, that is, those that offer extra opportunities to practice grammar or vocabulary from the lesson.

It is also possible to bring in practice from other online or print sources, but this can sometimes be problematic, especially for lower levels. Make sure that the resource you choose maps onto the lesson content without placing extra demands on students, for example, by introducing a completely different context or topic with unfamiliar vocabulary to practice a grammar point. You also need to make sure that terminology is consistent – students who are expecting to practice present continuous may not recognize that it is also called present progressive. With lower levels, go over the instructions and/or demonstrate one of the exercises so they know how to get started.

It's worth mentioning here that flipped learning may also be a useful approach to homework. This is where students preview part of the lesson plan (like a reading or listening task) or research a general topic independently before class in order to maximize opportunities for communicative activities during the lesson.

Other types of homework include semi-controlled practice of target language. Students could write personal sentences including vocabulary items or grammatical structures from the class – note that they may need training to do this. A sentence like, “The milk went off,” is not as effective for learning as, “We had no milk for the coffee this morning – it went off because we didn’t put it in the fridge last night.” You may wish to provide some question or example prompts as support.

An unusual and motivating type of speaking homework is a personalized bingo game. Students create their own bingo card, which might be a 4x4 grid. In each cell, they write a key word or structure from the lesson that they wish to practice during the next few days. They carry the card around in their pocket, and every time they use an item of target language, they can tick it off, aiming to complete a line. This is especially suitable for students who are living, working or studying in anglophone environments. Teachers can monitor progress regularly and even offer small prizes.

The question of what teachers actually do with homework also has multiple possible responses, which will depend on the teaching context. At one end of the spectrum, if there is good buy-in from the students, teachers may only need to point them towards a selected set of “more of the same” exercises and make sure the answers are accessible for self-checking. Make it clear that you welcome questions if anything isn’t clear and test regularly to check understanding.

Whatever choices you make about homework, here’s one final tip. It’s best to complete assignments the day after receiving them and not on the same day. Research on spaced repetition shows that reviewing information after around 24 hours, “just before you forget it,” is the most effective way to boost retention.


Adapted from: https://www.linguahouse.com/blog/post/makinghomework-count

Acesso em 25/10/2024

Após a leitura do texto, é possível concluir que seu objetivo principal é orientar aos professores como: 
Alternativas
Q3106231 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Archaeologists conduct first 'space excavation' on International Space Station

By Justin St. P. Walsh and Alice Gorman, The Conversation | Published: August 15, 2024 | Last updated on August 20, 2024

New results from the first archaeological fieldwork conducted in space show the International Space Station is a rich cultural landscape where crew create their own "gravity" to replace Earth's, and adapt module spaces to suit their needs.

Archaeology is usually thought of as the study of the distant past, but it's ideally suited for revealing how people adapt to long-duration spaceflight.

In the SQuARE experiment described in our new paper in PLOS ONE, we re-imagined a standard archaeological method for use in space, and got astronauts to carry it out for us.

Archaeology ... in ... spaaaaace!

The International Space Station is the first permanent human settlement in space. Close to 280 people have visited it in the past 23 years.

Our team has studied displays of photos, religious icons and artworks made by crew members from different countries, observed the cargo that is returned to Earth, and used NASA's historic photo archive to examine the relationships between crew members who serve together.

We've also studied the simple technologies, such as Velcro and resealable plastic bags, which astronauts use to recreate the Earthly effect of gravity in the microgravity environment − to keep things where you left them, so they don't float away.

Most recently, we collected data about how crew used objects inside the space station by adapting one of the most traditional archaeological techniques, the "shovel test pit".

On Earth, after an archaeological site has been identified, a grid of one-metre squares is laid out, and some of these are excavated as "test pits". These samples give a sense of the site as a whole.

In January 2022, we asked the space station crew to lay out five roughly square sample areas. We chose the square locations to encompass zones of work, science, exercise and leisure. The crew also selected a sixth area based on their own idea of what might be interesting to observe. Our study was sponsored by the International Space Station National Laboratory.

Then, for 60 days, the crew photographed each square every day to document the objects within its boundaries. Everything in space culture has an acronym, so we called this activity the Sampling Quadrangle Assemblages Research Experiment, or SQuARE.

The resulting photos show the richness of the space station's cultural landscape, while also revealing how far life in space is from images of sci-fi imagination.

The space station is cluttered and chaotic, cramped and dirty. There are no boundaries between where the crew works and where they rest. There is little to no privacy. There isn't even a shower.

What we saw in the squares

Now we can present results from the analysis of the first two squares. One was located in the US Node 2 module, where there are four crew berths, and connections to the European and Japanese labs. Visiting spacecraft often dock here. Our target was a wall where the Maintenance Work Area, or MWA, is located. There's a blue metal panel with 40 velcro squares on it, and a table below for fixing equipment or doing experiments.

NASA intended the area to be used for maintenance. However, we saw hardly any evidence of maintenance there, and only a handful of science activities. In fact, for 50 of the 60 days covered by our survey, the square was only used for storing items, which may not even have been used there.

The amount of velcro here made it a perfect location for ad hoc storage. Close to half of all items recorded (44%) were related to holding other items in place.

The other square we've completed was in the US Node 3 module, where there are exercise machines and the toilet. It's also a passageway to the crew's favourite part of the space station, the seven-sided cupola window, and to storage modules.

This wall had no designated function, so it was used for eclectic purposes, such as storing a laptop, an antibacterial experiment and resealable bags. And for 52 days during SQuARE, it was also the location where one crew member kept their toiletry kit.

It makes a kind of sense to put one's toiletries near the toilet and the exercise machines that each astronaut uses for hours every day. But this is a highly public space, where others are constantly passing by. The placement of the toiletry kit shows how inadequate the facilities are for hygiene and privacy.

What does this mean?

Our analysis of Squares 03 and 05 helped us understand how restraints such as velcro create a sort of transient gravity.

Restraints used to hold an object form a patch of active gravity, while those not in use represent potential gravity. The artefact analysis shows us how much potential gravity is available at each location.

The main focus of the space station is scientific work. To make this happen, astronauts have to deploy large numbers of objects. Square 03 shows how they turned a surface intended for maintenance into a halfway house for various items on their journeys around the station. Professor de Inglês - 1 1

Our data suggests that designers of future space stations, such as the commercial ones currently planned for low Earth orbit, or the Gateway station being built for lunar orbit, might need to make storage a higher priority.

Square 05 shows how a public wall space was claimed for personal storage by an unknown crew member. We already know there is less-than-ideal provision for privacy, but the persistence of the toiletry bag at this location shows how crew adapt spaces to make up for this.

What makes our conclusions significant is that they are evidence-based. The analysis of the first two squares suggests the data from all six will offer further insights into humanity's longest surviving space habitat.

Current plans are to bring the space station down from orbit in 2031, so this experiment may be the only chance we have to gather archaeological data.


https://www.astronomy.com/space-exploration/archaeologists-conduct-fi rst-space-excavation-on-international-space-station/
Based on the article, what was the primary purpose of the SQuARE experiment conducted on the International Space Station? 
Alternativas
Q3106229 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Archaeologists conduct first 'space excavation' on International Space Station

By Justin St. P. Walsh and Alice Gorman, The Conversation | Published: August 15, 2024 | Last updated on August 20, 2024

New results from the first archaeological fieldwork conducted in space show the International Space Station is a rich cultural landscape where crew create their own "gravity" to replace Earth's, and adapt module spaces to suit their needs.

Archaeology is usually thought of as the study of the distant past, but it's ideally suited for revealing how people adapt to long-duration spaceflight.

In the SQuARE experiment described in our new paper in PLOS ONE, we re-imagined a standard archaeological method for use in space, and got astronauts to carry it out for us.

Archaeology ... in ... spaaaaace!

The International Space Station is the first permanent human settlement in space. Close to 280 people have visited it in the past 23 years.

Our team has studied displays of photos, religious icons and artworks made by crew members from different countries, observed the cargo that is returned to Earth, and used NASA's historic photo archive to examine the relationships between crew members who serve together.

We've also studied the simple technologies, such as Velcro and resealable plastic bags, which astronauts use to recreate the Earthly effect of gravity in the microgravity environment − to keep things where you left them, so they don't float away.

Most recently, we collected data about how crew used objects inside the space station by adapting one of the most traditional archaeological techniques, the "shovel test pit".

On Earth, after an archaeological site has been identified, a grid of one-metre squares is laid out, and some of these are excavated as "test pits". These samples give a sense of the site as a whole.

In January 2022, we asked the space station crew to lay out five roughly square sample areas. We chose the square locations to encompass zones of work, science, exercise and leisure. The crew also selected a sixth area based on their own idea of what might be interesting to observe. Our study was sponsored by the International Space Station National Laboratory.

Then, for 60 days, the crew photographed each square every day to document the objects within its boundaries. Everything in space culture has an acronym, so we called this activity the Sampling Quadrangle Assemblages Research Experiment, or SQuARE.

The resulting photos show the richness of the space station's cultural landscape, while also revealing how far life in space is from images of sci-fi imagination.

The space station is cluttered and chaotic, cramped and dirty. There are no boundaries between where the crew works and where they rest. There is little to no privacy. There isn't even a shower.

What we saw in the squares

Now we can present results from the analysis of the first two squares. One was located in the US Node 2 module, where there are four crew berths, and connections to the European and Japanese labs. Visiting spacecraft often dock here. Our target was a wall where the Maintenance Work Area, or MWA, is located. There's a blue metal panel with 40 velcro squares on it, and a table below for fixing equipment or doing experiments.

NASA intended the area to be used for maintenance. However, we saw hardly any evidence of maintenance there, and only a handful of science activities. In fact, for 50 of the 60 days covered by our survey, the square was only used for storing items, which may not even have been used there.

The amount of velcro here made it a perfect location for ad hoc storage. Close to half of all items recorded (44%) were related to holding other items in place.

The other square we've completed was in the US Node 3 module, where there are exercise machines and the toilet. It's also a passageway to the crew's favourite part of the space station, the seven-sided cupola window, and to storage modules.

This wall had no designated function, so it was used for eclectic purposes, such as storing a laptop, an antibacterial experiment and resealable bags. And for 52 days during SQuARE, it was also the location where one crew member kept their toiletry kit.

It makes a kind of sense to put one's toiletries near the toilet and the exercise machines that each astronaut uses for hours every day. But this is a highly public space, where others are constantly passing by. The placement of the toiletry kit shows how inadequate the facilities are for hygiene and privacy.

What does this mean?

Our analysis of Squares 03 and 05 helped us understand how restraints such as velcro create a sort of transient gravity.

Restraints used to hold an object form a patch of active gravity, while those not in use represent potential gravity. The artefact analysis shows us how much potential gravity is available at each location.

The main focus of the space station is scientific work. To make this happen, astronauts have to deploy large numbers of objects. Square 03 shows how they turned a surface intended for maintenance into a halfway house for various items on their journeys around the station. Professor de Inglês - 1 1

Our data suggests that designers of future space stations, such as the commercial ones currently planned for low Earth orbit, or the Gateway station being built for lunar orbit, might need to make storage a higher priority.

Square 05 shows how a public wall space was claimed for personal storage by an unknown crew member. We already know there is less-than-ideal provision for privacy, but the persistence of the toiletry bag at this location shows how crew adapt spaces to make up for this.

What makes our conclusions significant is that they are evidence-based. The analysis of the first two squares suggests the data from all six will offer further insights into humanity's longest surviving space habitat.

Current plans are to bring the space station down from orbit in 2031, so this experiment may be the only chance we have to gather archaeological data.


https://www.astronomy.com/space-exploration/archaeologists-conduct-fi rst-space-excavation-on-international-space-station/
According to the article, how does the International Space Station serve as a "rich cultural landscape"? 
Alternativas
Respostas
61: B
62: C
63: A
64: C
65: A
66: D
67: A
68: B
69: E
70: C
71: E
72: C
73: E
74: C
75: E
76: E
77: B
78: D
79: A
80: A