Questões de Concurso Para mre

It is a small force, but of huge symbolic significance. This month, 1,200 Brazilian troops arrived in Haiti, the country's biggest foreign military deployment since the Second World War. Brazil is commanding a United Nations peacekeeping force of 6,700 mainly Latin American troops and 1,600 police which is taking over from American and French forces in the Caribbean island. This marks a new departure. Brazil has long been a gentle and introverted giant, content to be a bystander on the world stage. 34
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the c ountry's left-leaning president, is carving out a role for Brazil as spokesman for poor countries, most notably by founding the G20 group which lobbies for rich countries to open up farm trade. His government is playing a more active role across South America. And it is seeking a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. "Brazil has begun to flex its muscles as a regiona superpower," says Miguel Díaz of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington-based think-tank.
If so, it is a paradoxical one. On the one hand, Brazil's fondest wish is to mitigate the United States' dominance of global affairs and thereby to enhance Brazil's influence. The foreign minister, Celso Amorim, calls for "a more balanced world" and justifies the Haiti mission in part as a step towards it "You can't be a supporter of multilateralism and when it comes to act say it's [too] dangerous," says Mr Amorim.
On the other hand, Brazil's new activism often, though B, coincides with the interests of the United States. Both countries want democracy and stability in places in the Americas where these seem fragile. In some of those places, Lula's Brazi has more friends and influence than George Bush's more abrasive United States. The two sometimes back rivals in these countries, but that is one source of Brazil's usefulness.
Lula did not start Brazil's international activism. In recent years, Brazilian troops have joined UN missions in Eas Timor and Angola. In 1996, Brazil acted with Argentina and the United States to forestall a coup in Paraguay – recognition that the defence of democracy in the region should take precedence over a tradition of non-intervention in the affairs o neighbours.
The search for a stable South America has long been an axiom of Brazil's foreign policy, but demographics have given it greater urgency. Brazilians, once described as clinging to the coast like crabs, have scurried westwards and northwards. The building of Brasília, which replaced Rio de Janeiro as the capital in 1960, helped to spark development of the interior, a process accelerated by an agricultural boom insuch western states as Mato Grosso. The Amazon, Brazil is learning, is both a resource and weak spot, vulnerable to guerrillas, drug traffickers and land-grabbers.
For most of its history as an independent country, Brazil saw Argentina as its chief rival and strategic threat. That changed with the formation of Mercosur, an incipient customs union also involving Paraguay and Uruguay. This has allowed Brazil to shift much of its army from its southern border to the north-western jungles near Colombia and Peru.
Brazil's sense of neighbourhood may be widening. Yet argues Mr Valladão, Brazil has not de cided what sort of neighbour to be. At times, it portrays itself as a team player. In theory, it negotiates on trade as a member of Mercosur. But Brazil also sees itself as a "whale", with the heft and appetite to act on its own. Mr Amorim's answer is that, in a world likely to be dominated by blocks, Brazil's best option is to co-operate as much as possible with its neighbours and other developing countries. Whales, he notes, "are gregarious animals.
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