Questões Militares
Sobre ensino da língua estrangeira inglesa em inglês
Foram encontradas 59 questões
Quanto às distinções entre tipos de texto e gêneros de texto/discurso, a mais famosa a esse respeito é a de Marcuschi (2002), que os define como
I. Usamos a expressão tipo textual para designar uma espécie de construção teórica definida pela natureza linguística de sua composição {aspectos lexicais, sintáticos, tempos verbais, relações lógicas}. Em geral, os tipos textuais abrangem cerca de meia dúzia de categorias conhecidas: descrição, narração, dissertação/ argumentação, exposição e injunção.
II. Usamos a expressão gênero textual como uma noção propositalmente vaga para referir os textos materializados que encontramos em nossa vida diária e que apresentam características sócio-comunicativas definidas por conteúdos, propriedades funcionais, estilo e composição característica. Se os tipos textuais são apenas meia dúzia, os gêneros são inúmeros.
Tipos de textos vem sendo ensinados na escola há pelo menos uma centena de anos, o que faz deles gêneros escolares. Na escola, escrevemos narrações, na vida, lemos notícias, relatamos nossa vida, recontamos um filme. Na escola, redigimos “uma composição à vista de gravura” (descrição) fora dela, contamos como decoramos nosso apartamento, instruímos uma pessoa como chegar a um lugar desconhecido. Os gêneros de texto, ao contrário, não são classes gramaticais para classificar textos: são entidades da vida.
(ROJO, R. H. R.; BARBOSA, J. P. Hipermodernidade,
multiletramentos e gêneros discursivos.
São Paulo: Parábola Editorial, 2015. Adaptado)
Language-centered methods are those that seek to provide opportunities for learners to practice preselected linguistic structures through form-focused exercises in class. The assumption is that language practice will ultimately lead to a mastery of the target language and that learners can draw from this formal repertoire whenever they wish to communicate in the target language outside the class. According to this belief, language development is largely intentional rather than incidental; and language learning seen as a linear, additive process.
Learner-centered methods are those that are principally concerned with language use and learner needs. These methods seek to provide opportunities for learners to practice preselected, presequenced grammatical structures as well as communicative functions (i.e., speech acts such as apologizing, requesting, etc.) through meaning-focused activities. Proponents of learner-centered methods believe in accumulated entities, represented by structures plus notions and functions.
Learning-centered methods are those that are principally concerned with learning processes. These methods seek to provide opportunities for learners to participate in open-ended meaningful interaction through communicative activities or problem-solving tasks in class. The assumption is that a preoccupation with meaning-making will most likely lead to grammatical as well as communicative mastery of the language and that learners can learn through the process of communication. In this approach, unlike the other two, language development is a nonlinear process and considered more incidental than intentional. Proponents of learningcentered methods believe that language is best learned when the learner’s attention is focused on understanding, saying and doing something with language, and not when their attention is focused explicitly on linguistic features.
(Kumaravadivelu, B. Beyond Methods: Macrostrategies for language learning. Haven and London: Yale University Press. 2003. Adaptado)
Language-centered methods are those that seek to provide opportunities for learners to practice preselected linguistic structures through form-focused exercises in class. The assumption is that language practice will ultimately lead to a mastery of the target language and that learners can draw from this formal repertoire whenever they wish to communicate in the target language outside the class. According to this belief, language development is largely intentional rather than incidental; and language learning seen as a linear, additive process.
Learner-centered methods are those that are principally concerned with language use and learner needs. These methods seek to provide opportunities for learners to practice preselected, presequenced grammatical structures as well as communicative functions (i.e., speech acts such as apologizing, requesting, etc.) through meaning-focused activities. Proponents of learner-centered methods believe in accumulated entities, represented by structures plus notions and functions.
Learning-centered methods are those that are principally concerned with learning processes. These methods seek to provide opportunities for learners to participate in open-ended meaningful interaction through communicative activities or problem-solving tasks in class. The assumption is that a preoccupation with meaning-making will most likely lead to grammatical as well as communicative mastery of the language and that learners can learn through the process of communication. In this approach, unlike the other two, language development is a nonlinear process and considered more incidental than intentional. Proponents of learningcentered methods believe that language is best learned when the learner’s attention is focused on understanding, saying and doing something with language, and not when their attention is focused explicitly on linguistic features.
(Kumaravadivelu, B. Beyond Methods: Macrostrategies for language learning. Haven and London: Yale University Press. 2003. Adaptado)
Language-centered methods are those that seek to provide opportunities for learners to practice preselected linguistic structures through form-focused exercises in class. The assumption is that language practice will ultimately lead to a mastery of the target language and that learners can draw from this formal repertoire whenever they wish to communicate in the target language outside the class. According to this belief, language development is largely intentional rather than incidental; and language learning seen as a linear, additive process.
Learner-centered methods are those that are principally concerned with language use and learner needs. These methods seek to provide opportunities for learners to practice preselected, presequenced grammatical structures as well as communicative functions (i.e., speech acts such as apologizing, requesting, etc.) through meaning-focused activities. Proponents of learner-centered methods believe in accumulated entities, represented by structures plus notions and functions.
Learning-centered methods are those that are principally concerned with learning processes. These methods seek to provide opportunities for learners to participate in open-ended meaningful interaction through communicative activities or problem-solving tasks in class. The assumption is that a preoccupation with meaning-making will most likely lead to grammatical as well as communicative mastery of the language and that learners can learn through the process of communication. In this approach, unlike the other two, language development is a nonlinear process and considered more incidental than intentional. Proponents of learningcentered methods believe that language is best learned when the learner’s attention is focused on understanding, saying and doing something with language, and not when their attention is focused explicitly on linguistic features.
(Kumaravadivelu, B. Beyond Methods: Macrostrategies for language learning. Haven and London: Yale University Press. 2003. Adaptado)
If styles are general characteristics that differentiate one individual from another, then strategies are those specific “attacks” that we make on a given problem, and that vary considerably within each individual. They are the momentby-moment techniques that we employ to solve “problems” posed by second language input and output. Chamot (2005, p. 112) defines strategies quite broadly as “procedures that facilitate a learning task.”
Second language acquisition has distinguished between two types of strategy: learning strategies and communication strategies. The former relate to input — to processing, storage, and retrieval, that is, to taking in messages from others. The latter pertain to output, how we productively express meaning, how we deliver messages to others.
(Brown, H.D. Principles of Language Learning and Teaching. 5th ed. White Plains, NY: Addison Wesley Longman, 2006. Adaptado)
The regional accentism that secretly affects life prospects
At age 22, Gav Murphy was living outside his home country Wales for the first time, working in his first job in media production in London. His South Wales Valleys accent was very thick, he recalls. He’d say ‘tha’ rather than ‘that’, for instance. He was perfectly understandable; yet a senior colleague overseeing his work insisted Murphy change his accent so all the broadcasters sounded uniform on air. The effects of adaptation were far-reaching. “It sort of broke my brain a little bit,” says Murphy. “I thought about literally every single thing I was saying, literally every time I was saying it. Moving to standard English was just laborious.”
Foreign-accent discrimination is rampant in professional settings. But discrimination can also extend to certain native speakers of a language, because of the judgements attached to particular accents. While many employers are becoming very sensitive to other types of bias, accent bias remains challenging to root out. But it doesn’t have to be this way.
While the cognitive shortcuts that contribute to accent bias may be universal, the degree of accent awareness and prejudice varies greatly. For instance, “The UK has a very, very fine-tuned system of accent prestige,” says Devyani Sharma, a sociolinguist at Queen Mary University of London. “It’s a combination of a very monolingual past, where English developed as a symbol of the nation, and the very acute social class hierarchy historically.” She adds that overt accent bias in the US is based more on race, whereas in the UK, it’s more tied to class.
In some cases, accent bias is directly related to government policy. Since the 1860s, the Japanese government has modernised the country with a focus on Tokyo, says Shigeko Kumagai, a linguist at Shizuoka University, Japan. “Thus, standard Japanese was established based on the speech of educated Tokyoites.” In contrast, the Tohoku dialect spoken in northern Japan became “the most stigmatised dialect in Japan”, says Kumagai. Its image is “rural, rustic, old, stubborn, narrow-minded, backward, poor, uneducated, etc”. Young women from Tohoku are often given discriminatory treatment that makes them feel ashamed of their accents.
A pesquisa de Kumagai mostra que a forte estereotipagem do dialeto Tohoku é perpetuada pela concentração da indústria de mídia na capital japonesa. De fato, em todo o mundo, a mídia tem um impacto enorme na percepção dos sotaques. Portanto, entendemos por que a preponderância de emissoras do Reino Unido em Londres provavelmente contribuiu para a marginalização do sotaque galês de MurphyKumagai’s research shows that the strong stereotyping of the Tohoku dialect is perpetuated by the concentration of the media industry in the Japanese capital. Indeed, the world over, the media has an enormous impact on perceptions of accents. So we understand why the preponderance of UK broadcasters in London likely contributed to the marginalisation of Murphy’s Welsh accent.
(Christine Ro. www.bbc.com, 08.05.2022. Adaptado)
The first paragraph describes Guv Murphy’s Welsh accent as “perfectly understandable” by speakers of the British varieties.
Similarly, the use of English as an international language has as one of its main features
The regional accentism that secretly affects life prospects
At age 22, Gav Murphy was living outside his home country Wales for the first time, working in his first job in media production in London. His South Wales Valleys accent was very thick, he recalls. He’d say ‘tha’ rather than ‘that’, for instance. He was perfectly understandable; yet a senior colleague overseeing his work insisted Murphy change his accent so all the broadcasters sounded uniform on air. The effects of adaptation were far-reaching. “It sort of broke my brain a little bit,” says Murphy. “I thought about literally every single thing I was saying, literally every time I was saying it. Moving to standard English was just laborious.”
Foreign-accent discrimination is rampant in professional settings. But discrimination can also extend to certain native speakers of a language, because of the judgements attached to particular accents. While many employers are becoming very sensitive to other types of bias, accent bias remains challenging to root out. But it doesn’t have to be this way.
While the cognitive shortcuts that contribute to accent bias may be universal, the degree of accent awareness and prejudice varies greatly. For instance, “The UK has a very, very fine-tuned system of accent prestige,” says Devyani Sharma, a sociolinguist at Queen Mary University of London. “It’s a combination of a very monolingual past, where English developed as a symbol of the nation, and the very acute social class hierarchy historically.” She adds that overt accent bias in the US is based more on race, whereas in the UK, it’s more tied to class.
In some cases, accent bias is directly related to government policy. Since the 1860s, the Japanese government has modernised the country with a focus on Tokyo, says Shigeko Kumagai, a linguist at Shizuoka University, Japan. “Thus, standard Japanese was established based on the speech of educated Tokyoites.” In contrast, the Tohoku dialect spoken in northern Japan became “the most stigmatised dialect in Japan”, says Kumagai. Its image is “rural, rustic, old, stubborn, narrow-minded, backward, poor, uneducated, etc”. Young women from Tohoku are often given discriminatory treatment that makes them feel ashamed of their accents.
A pesquisa de Kumagai mostra que a forte estereotipagem do dialeto Tohoku é perpetuada pela concentração da indústria de mídia na capital japonesa. De fato, em todo o mundo, a mídia tem um impacto enorme na percepção dos sotaques. Portanto, entendemos por que a preponderância de emissoras do Reino Unido em Londres provavelmente contribuiu para a marginalização do sotaque galês de MurphyKumagai’s research shows that the strong stereotyping of the Tohoku dialect is perpetuated by the concentration of the media industry in the Japanese capital. Indeed, the world over, the media has an enormous impact on perceptions of accents. So we understand why the preponderance of UK broadcasters in London likely contributed to the marginalisation of Murphy’s Welsh accent.
(Christine Ro. www.bbc.com, 08.05.2022. Adaptado)
The regional accentism that secretly affects life prospects
At age 22, Gav Murphy was living outside his home country Wales for the first time, working in his first job in media production in London. His South Wales Valleys accent was very thick, he recalls. He’d say ‘tha’ rather than ‘that’, for instance. He was perfectly understandable; yet a senior colleague overseeing his work insisted Murphy change his accent so all the broadcasters sounded uniform on air. The effects of adaptation were far-reaching. “It sort of broke my brain a little bit,” says Murphy. “I thought about literally every single thing I was saying, literally every time I was saying it. Moving to standard English was just laborious.”
Foreign-accent discrimination is rampant in professional settings. But discrimination can also extend to certain native speakers of a language, because of the judgements attached to particular accents. While many employers are becoming very sensitive to other types of bias, accent bias remains challenging to root out. But it doesn’t have to be this way.
While the cognitive shortcuts that contribute to accent bias may be universal, the degree of accent awareness and prejudice varies greatly. For instance, “The UK has a very, very fine-tuned system of accent prestige,” says Devyani Sharma, a sociolinguist at Queen Mary University of London. “It’s a combination of a very monolingual past, where English developed as a symbol of the nation, and the very acute social class hierarchy historically.” She adds that overt accent bias in the US is based more on race, whereas in the UK, it’s more tied to class.
In some cases, accent bias is directly related to government policy. Since the 1860s, the Japanese government has modernised the country with a focus on Tokyo, says Shigeko Kumagai, a linguist at Shizuoka University, Japan. “Thus, standard Japanese was established based on the speech of educated Tokyoites.” In contrast, the Tohoku dialect spoken in northern Japan became “the most stigmatised dialect in Japan”, says Kumagai. Its image is “rural, rustic, old, stubborn, narrow-minded, backward, poor, uneducated, etc”. Young women from Tohoku are often given discriminatory treatment that makes them feel ashamed of their accents.
A pesquisa de Kumagai mostra que a forte estereotipagem do dialeto Tohoku é perpetuada pela concentração da indústria de mídia na capital japonesa. De fato, em todo o mundo, a mídia tem um impacto enorme na percepção dos sotaques. Portanto, entendemos por que a preponderância de emissoras do Reino Unido em Londres provavelmente contribuiu para a marginalização do sotaque galês de MurphyKumagai’s research shows that the strong stereotyping of the Tohoku dialect is perpetuated by the concentration of the media industry in the Japanese capital. Indeed, the world over, the media has an enormous impact on perceptions of accents. So we understand why the preponderance of UK broadcasters in London likely contributed to the marginalisation of Murphy’s Welsh accent.
(Christine Ro. www.bbc.com, 08.05.2022. Adaptado)
Teaching reading in English is not simply teaching the vocabulary or structures in a text. It means helping students develop reading skills and abilities, as well as establish a purpose for the readings they make.
One important reading ability is reading to grasp the gist of a text. As a teacher, you would then tell your students to go over the article “The regional accentism that secretly affects life prospects” in order to identify its main idea, which is summarized in alternative:
L2 learning strategies are specific behaviors or thought processes that students use to enhance their own L2 learning. One of the six major groups of L2 learning strategies identified by Oxford (1990) is the one which comprises the “compensatory strategies”, that is, strategies that help the learner make up for missing knowledge. Each instance of L2 use is an opportunity for more L2 learning. Oxford and Ehrman (1995) demonstrated that compensatory strategies are significantly related to L2 proficiency in their study of native-English-speaking learners of foreign languages.
(Oxford, Rebecca: Language Learning Styles and Strategies, In IN: Marianne Celce-Murcia. Teaching English as a second or foreign language. Boston, Massachusstes: Heinle&Heinle. 3rd edition. 2002. pp. 362;364. Adaptado
An activity aimed at developing the learners’ ability to read an authentic English text may require from the students the use of the following compensatory strategy:
Although English is not the language with the largest number of native or ‘first’ language speakers, it has become a lingua franca. A lingua franca can be defined as a language widely adopted for communication between two speakers whose native languages are different from each other’s and where one or both speakers are using it as a ‘second’ language.
(HARMER, Jeremy. The practice of English language teaching. 4th ed. Longman, 2007. p.1. Adaptado)
No que concerne ao ensino da língua Inglesa, crescem os desafios para priorizar seu status como lingua franca, especialmente quando questões de política educacional linguística estão envolvidas. Assim, o ensino de inglês como língua franca ou língua internacional implica
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One school of thought which is widely accepted by many language teachers is that the development of our conceptual understanding and cognitive skills is a main objective of all education. Such conceptual understanding is arrived at not through ‘blind learning’, but through a process of discovery which leads to genuine understanding (Lewis 1986: 165). The things we learn for ourselves are absorbed more effectively than things we are taught.
The practical implications of this view are quite clear: instead of explicitly teaching the present perfect tense, for instance, we will expose students to examples of it and then allow them, under our guidance, to work out for themselves how it is used. Instead of telling students which words collocate with crime, we can get them to look at a computer concordance of the word and discover the collocations on their own. Instead of telling them about spoken grammar we can get them to look at transcripts and come to their own conclusions about how it differs from written grammar. What we are doing, effectively, is to provoke ‘noticing for the learner’.
(HARMER, Jeremy. The practice of English language teaching.
4th ed. Longman, 2007. pp. 72-73. Adaptado)
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