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Q2169599 Direito Constitucional
Conforme a Constituição Federal de 1988, são inelegíveis os
I estrangeiros. II os conscritos durante o período do serviço militar obrigatório. III os analfabetos.
Assinale a opção correta.  
Alternativas
Q2169598 Direito Constitucional
Juan, cidadão chileno naturalizado brasileiro, pode ocupar cargo público de 
Alternativas
Q2169597 Direito Constitucional
O dispositivo constitucional que assegura a todos, independentemente do pagamento de taxas, o direito de petição aos poderes públicos em defesa de direitos ou contra ilegalidade ou abuso de poder abrange, em processo administrativo,  
Alternativas
Q2169596 Direito Constitucional
   Um grupo de servidores públicos constituiu, de forma regular e legal, uma associação cujos fins, posteriormente, verificou-se serem ilícitos.  
Nessa situação hipotética, a associação somente poderá ser compulsoriamente dissolvida por 
Alternativas
Q2169595 Direito Constitucional
   Os seguintes entes pretendem propor ação declaratória de constitucionalidade (ADC):
I a federação nacional X, que possui associados em três estados-membros; II a entidade de classe Y, que representa parte de uma categoria profissional; e III o presidente da República.
Nessa situação hipotética, somente terá(ão) legitimidade para propor ADC  
Alternativas
Q2169594 Direito Constitucional
   Um indivíduo legitimado pretende ajuizar ADPF para
I opor-se a um conjunto de decisões judiciais que determinam medidas de constrição judicial contra Estado-membro. II questionar interpretação judicial de norma constitucional. III opor-se a um conjunto de decisões judiciais que determinam medidas de constrição judicial contra unidades descentralizadas de execução da educação de Estado-membro que recaiam sobre verbas destinadas à educação.
Nessa situação hipotética, será cabível ADPF nos casos descritos nos itens  
Alternativas
Q2169593 Direito Constitucional
A ação de descumprimento de preceito fundamental (ADPF) pode ser classificada como uma modalidade de controle de constitucionalidade
Alternativas
Q2169592 Direito Constitucional
Somente poderá ser objeto de ação declaratória de constitucionalidade lei ou ato normativo 
Alternativas
Q2169591 Direito Constitucional
O princípio geral da atividade econômica (CF, art. 170) que também constitui um dos objetivos fundamentais da República Federativa do Brasil é o princípio 
Alternativas
Q2169590 Direito Constitucional
De acordo com a CF, a disciplina do Sistema Financeiro Nacional deve-se dar mediante  
Alternativas
Q2169589 Direito Constitucional
    O TCU está apreciando a legalidade dos seguintes atos: concessão inicial de aposentadoria a Pedro; concessão inicial de pensão a Ana; concessão inicial de reforma a José; ato administrativo que beneficiou Lucas — sem ser aposentadoria, pensão ou reforma.
Nessa situação hipotética, o TCU deverá assegurar o direito ao contraditório e à ampla defesa somente a 
Alternativas
Q2169587 Inglês

Text CB1A2-II  


18.png (381×155)


Jorge Cham. Piled higher and deeper. Internet: <www.phdcomics.com>.

Choose the option that presents an appropriate synonym for “raised” in text CB1A2-II. 
Alternativas
Q2169586 Inglês

Text CB1A2-II  


18.png (381×155)


Jorge Cham. Piled higher and deeper. Internet: <www.phdcomics.com>.

Choose the option that presents an appropriate synonym for “current” in text CB1A2-II. 
Alternativas
Q2169585 Inglês

Text CB1A2-II  


18.png (381×155)


Jorge Cham. Piled higher and deeper. Internet: <www.phdcomics.com>.

In text CB1A2-II, Cecilia’s friend seems confused when she asks “Excuse me?”. It can be said that it happens because  
Alternativas
Q2169584 Inglês

Text CB1A2-I  


   Although an oft-cited poll showed that 85% of Americans approve of organ donation, less than half had made a decision about donating, and fewer still (28%) had granted permission by signing a donor card, a pattern also observed in Germany, Spain, and Sweden. Given the shortage of donors, the gap between approval and action is a matter of life and death. 

    What drives the decision to become a potential donor? Within the European Union, donation rates vary by nearly an order of magnitude across countries and these differences are stable from year to year. Even when controlling for variables such as transplant infrastructure, economic and educational status, and religion, large differences in donation rates persist. Why?

   Most public policy choices have a no-action default, that is, a condition is imposed when an individual fails to make a decision. In the case of organ donation, European countries have one of two default policies. In presumed-consent states, people are organ donors unless they register not to be, and in explicitconsent countries, nobody is an organ donor without registering to be one.

   We examined the rate of agreement to become a donor across European countries with explicit and presumed consent laws. If preferences concerning organ donation are strong, we would expect defaults to have little or no effect. However, defaults appear to make a large difference: the four opt-in countries (Denmark, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany) had lower rates than the six opt-out countries (Austria, Belgium, France, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Sweden). The two distributions have no overlap, and nearly 60 percentage points separate the two groups

    Our data suggest changes in defaults could increase donations in the United States of additional thousands of donors a year. Because each donor can donate for about three transplants, the consequences are substantial in lives saved. Our results stand in contrast with the suggestion that defaults do not matter. Policy-makers performing analysis in this and other domains should consider that defaults make a difference.


Eric J. Johnson; Daniel Goldstein. Do Defaults Save Lives?

Internet: <www.dangoldstein.com> (adapted). 

In text CB1A2-I, the expression “stand in contrast”, in “Our results stand in contrast with the suggestion that defaults do not matter” means the same as 
Alternativas
Q2169583 Inglês

Text CB1A2-I  


   Although an oft-cited poll showed that 85% of Americans approve of organ donation, less than half had made a decision about donating, and fewer still (28%) had granted permission by signing a donor card, a pattern also observed in Germany, Spain, and Sweden. Given the shortage of donors, the gap between approval and action is a matter of life and death. 

    What drives the decision to become a potential donor? Within the European Union, donation rates vary by nearly an order of magnitude across countries and these differences are stable from year to year. Even when controlling for variables such as transplant infrastructure, economic and educational status, and religion, large differences in donation rates persist. Why?

   Most public policy choices have a no-action default, that is, a condition is imposed when an individual fails to make a decision. In the case of organ donation, European countries have one of two default policies. In presumed-consent states, people are organ donors unless they register not to be, and in explicitconsent countries, nobody is an organ donor without registering to be one.

   We examined the rate of agreement to become a donor across European countries with explicit and presumed consent laws. If preferences concerning organ donation are strong, we would expect defaults to have little or no effect. However, defaults appear to make a large difference: the four opt-in countries (Denmark, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany) had lower rates than the six opt-out countries (Austria, Belgium, France, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Sweden). The two distributions have no overlap, and nearly 60 percentage points separate the two groups

    Our data suggest changes in defaults could increase donations in the United States of additional thousands of donors a year. Because each donor can donate for about three transplants, the consequences are substantial in lives saved. Our results stand in contrast with the suggestion that defaults do not matter. Policy-makers performing analysis in this and other domains should consider that defaults make a difference.


Eric J. Johnson; Daniel Goldstein. Do Defaults Save Lives?

Internet: <www.dangoldstein.com> (adapted). 

According to text CB1A2-I, among the countries that have an explicit-consent organ donation policy it is included 
Alternativas
Q2169582 Inglês

Text CB1A2-I  


   Although an oft-cited poll showed that 85% of Americans approve of organ donation, less than half had made a decision about donating, and fewer still (28%) had granted permission by signing a donor card, a pattern also observed in Germany, Spain, and Sweden. Given the shortage of donors, the gap between approval and action is a matter of life and death. 

    What drives the decision to become a potential donor? Within the European Union, donation rates vary by nearly an order of magnitude across countries and these differences are stable from year to year. Even when controlling for variables such as transplant infrastructure, economic and educational status, and religion, large differences in donation rates persist. Why?

   Most public policy choices have a no-action default, that is, a condition is imposed when an individual fails to make a decision. In the case of organ donation, European countries have one of two default policies. In presumed-consent states, people are organ donors unless they register not to be, and in explicitconsent countries, nobody is an organ donor without registering to be one.

   We examined the rate of agreement to become a donor across European countries with explicit and presumed consent laws. If preferences concerning organ donation are strong, we would expect defaults to have little or no effect. However, defaults appear to make a large difference: the four opt-in countries (Denmark, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany) had lower rates than the six opt-out countries (Austria, Belgium, France, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Sweden). The two distributions have no overlap, and nearly 60 percentage points separate the two groups

    Our data suggest changes in defaults could increase donations in the United States of additional thousands of donors a year. Because each donor can donate for about three transplants, the consequences are substantial in lives saved. Our results stand in contrast with the suggestion that defaults do not matter. Policy-makers performing analysis in this and other domains should consider that defaults make a difference.


Eric J. Johnson; Daniel Goldstein. Do Defaults Save Lives?

Internet: <www.dangoldstein.com> (adapted). 

Considering the results of the research presented in text CB1A2-I, choose the correct option. 
Alternativas
Q2169581 Inglês

Text CB1A2-I  


   Although an oft-cited poll showed that 85% of Americans approve of organ donation, less than half had made a decision about donating, and fewer still (28%) had granted permission by signing a donor card, a pattern also observed in Germany, Spain, and Sweden. Given the shortage of donors, the gap between approval and action is a matter of life and death. 

    What drives the decision to become a potential donor? Within the European Union, donation rates vary by nearly an order of magnitude across countries and these differences are stable from year to year. Even when controlling for variables such as transplant infrastructure, economic and educational status, and religion, large differences in donation rates persist. Why?

   Most public policy choices have a no-action default, that is, a condition is imposed when an individual fails to make a decision. In the case of organ donation, European countries have one of two default policies. In presumed-consent states, people are organ donors unless they register not to be, and in explicitconsent countries, nobody is an organ donor without registering to be one.

   We examined the rate of agreement to become a donor across European countries with explicit and presumed consent laws. If preferences concerning organ donation are strong, we would expect defaults to have little or no effect. However, defaults appear to make a large difference: the four opt-in countries (Denmark, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany) had lower rates than the six opt-out countries (Austria, Belgium, France, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Sweden). The two distributions have no overlap, and nearly 60 percentage points separate the two groups

    Our data suggest changes in defaults could increase donations in the United States of additional thousands of donors a year. Because each donor can donate for about three transplants, the consequences are substantial in lives saved. Our results stand in contrast with the suggestion that defaults do not matter. Policy-makers performing analysis in this and other domains should consider that defaults make a difference.


Eric J. Johnson; Daniel Goldstein. Do Defaults Save Lives?

Internet: <www.dangoldstein.com> (adapted). 

Considering the end of the second paragraph of text CB1A2-I, choose the option which presents a correct longer version of the question the authors want to ask when they use “Why?”.  
Alternativas
Q2169580 Inglês

Text CB1A2-I  


   Although an oft-cited poll showed that 85% of Americans approve of organ donation, less than half had made a decision about donating, and fewer still (28%) had granted permission by signing a donor card, a pattern also observed in Germany, Spain, and Sweden. Given the shortage of donors, the gap between approval and action is a matter of life and death. 

    What drives the decision to become a potential donor? Within the European Union, donation rates vary by nearly an order of magnitude across countries and these differences are stable from year to year. Even when controlling for variables such as transplant infrastructure, economic and educational status, and religion, large differences in donation rates persist. Why?

   Most public policy choices have a no-action default, that is, a condition is imposed when an individual fails to make a decision. In the case of organ donation, European countries have one of two default policies. In presumed-consent states, people are organ donors unless they register not to be, and in explicitconsent countries, nobody is an organ donor without registering to be one.

   We examined the rate of agreement to become a donor across European countries with explicit and presumed consent laws. If preferences concerning organ donation are strong, we would expect defaults to have little or no effect. However, defaults appear to make a large difference: the four opt-in countries (Denmark, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany) had lower rates than the six opt-out countries (Austria, Belgium, France, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Sweden). The two distributions have no overlap, and nearly 60 percentage points separate the two groups

    Our data suggest changes in defaults could increase donations in the United States of additional thousands of donors a year. Because each donor can donate for about three transplants, the consequences are substantial in lives saved. Our results stand in contrast with the suggestion that defaults do not matter. Policy-makers performing analysis in this and other domains should consider that defaults make a difference.


Eric J. Johnson; Daniel Goldstein. Do Defaults Save Lives?

Internet: <www.dangoldstein.com> (adapted). 

Considering the data about the American population and their preferences regarding organ donation, presented in the first paragraph of text CB1A2-I, choose the correct option. 
Alternativas
Q2169578 Português
Texto CB1A1-II

Federalismo brasileiro desconcentra receitas 

    A proposta de emenda constitucional (PEC) que trata do pacto federativo almeja, entre outros objetivos, aumentar, ao longo do tempo, a fatia de recursos tributários destinada a estados e municípios, em detrimento da União. A justificativa comum para essa redistribuição de verbas é a de que o princípio federativo inscrito na Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF) teria sido deturpado pelo gigantismo da esfera federal. 
    Estudo da Organização para a Cooperação e o Desenvolvimento Econômico (OCDE), todavia, mostra que no Brasil os entes subnacionais têm participação de 56,4% no total dos tributos arrecadados. A cifra está acima da média dos países pesquisados (49,5%). Estados e municípios brasileiros obtêm o equivalente a 22% do PIB, contra uma média internacional de 17,4%. Se a comparação for feita entre nações com nível de renda semelhante, a distância do Brasil em relação à média aumenta ainda mais.
    Nas últimas décadas, o governo central veio elevando a carga das chamadas contribuições sociais, como PIS, COFINS e CSLL, para obter mais recursos. Esse fato também impulsiona as críticas ao que se considera “a voracidade tributária” da União.
    O que a Receita Federal recolhe com tal classe de tributos tem a particularidade legal de, diferentemente do que ocorre, por exemplo, com o Imposto de Renda, não ter de ser compartilhado com estados e municípios.
    O outro lado da moeda é que as necessidades financeiras do governo central para arcar com a seguridade social também aumentaram no período. Em particular, destaquem-se os gastos obrigatórios para cobrir o déficit da previdência, abono salarial, seguro-desemprego e o benefício de prestação continuada, que cresceram muito em períodos recentes.
    As contribuições são o dispositivo previsto em lei para que a União faça frente às despesas da seguridade social, que compreende, como estabelecido na CF, os direitos relativos à previdência, à assistência social e à saúde.
   Benefícios como aposentadorias, pensões e seguro-desemprego são transferidos diretamente do Tesouro Nacional para as pessoas que se enquadram na legislação para recebê-los. O recurso não fica disponível para que o governo federal o utilize para outras finalidades.
    Quando os gastos obrigatórios da seguridade social aumentam em relação à arrecadação das contribuições, as demais despesas da seguridade social, a exemplo das despesas com saúde, devem ser cobertas por outras fontes de receita.

Insper Conhecimento, nov. 2019. Internet: <www.insper.edu.br> (com adaptações).
Assinale a opção que apresenta proposta de substituição para a expressão “Em particular” (segundo período do quinto parágrafo do texto CB1A1-II) adequada ao contexto.  
Alternativas
Respostas
1501: D
1502: A
1503: D
1504: C
1505: B
1506: D
1507: B
1508: D
1509: C
1510: B
1511: C
1512: D
1513: B
1514: A
1515: C
1516: D
1517: D
1518: A
1519: B
1520: C