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Q2367209 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
Choose the option that presents a correct rewriting of the sentence “It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do” (sixth sentence of the last paragraph of text 9A2-II), maintaining the original meaning and grammar correctness. 
Alternativas
Q2367208 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
In relation to the vocabulary and grammatical features of text 9A2-II, choose the correct option.
Alternativas
Q2367207 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
Choose the option that presents a conclusion which can be correctly drawn from the story reported by the announcer in the fragment ‘one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths’ (sixth sentence of the first paragraph of text 9A2-II).
Alternativas
Q2367206 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
According to the author of text 9A2-II,
Alternativas
Q2367205 Inglês
Text 9A2-I


          The words “theory” and “theoretical” evoke a variety of responses in language teaching and research circles, many of them, for different reasons, negative. For some, the negative response they feel is due to their having sat through conference presentations or read journal articles labelled “theoretical” which have consisted of a good deal of rhetoric, however eloquent, and very little substance. “Theoretical” here is mis-used, and just means “data-free”. For others, the particular theories that have received most “air-time” in the second language acquisition (SLA) literature until now have been uninteresting, wrong, or vacuous, leading them to be potentially hostile to any new ones. Still, others have no problem with theory in general (or think they don’t), but simply feel that work in SLA has not advanced far enough yet for theorizing to be productive.

         Those who subscribe to the last view — and they include several prominent figures in SLA — hold that because, in their opinion, we know relatively little about SLA, any theory we come up with at this stage is likely to be wrong. Hence, it will be counter-productive, in that many people will waste their time working on a theoretical red herring instead of discovering more facts about acquisition. In our view, while superficially reasonable, this shows that the purpose and value of theories in (social) science are still not widely understood in our field.


Diane Larsen-Freeman and Michal H. Long. An introduction to second language acquisition research. New York: Longman, 1991. 
About the semantic and grammatical features of text 9A2-I, choose the correct option.  
Alternativas
Q2367204 Inglês
Text 9A2-I


          The words “theory” and “theoretical” evoke a variety of responses in language teaching and research circles, many of them, for different reasons, negative. For some, the negative response they feel is due to their having sat through conference presentations or read journal articles labelled “theoretical” which have consisted of a good deal of rhetoric, however eloquent, and very little substance. “Theoretical” here is mis-used, and just means “data-free”. For others, the particular theories that have received most “air-time” in the second language acquisition (SLA) literature until now have been uninteresting, wrong, or vacuous, leading them to be potentially hostile to any new ones. Still, others have no problem with theory in general (or think they don’t), but simply feel that work in SLA has not advanced far enough yet for theorizing to be productive.

         Those who subscribe to the last view — and they include several prominent figures in SLA — hold that because, in their opinion, we know relatively little about SLA, any theory we come up with at this stage is likely to be wrong. Hence, it will be counter-productive, in that many people will waste their time working on a theoretical red herring instead of discovering more facts about acquisition. In our view, while superficially reasonable, this shows that the purpose and value of theories in (social) science are still not widely understood in our field.


Diane Larsen-Freeman and Michal H. Long. An introduction to second language acquisition research. New York: Longman, 1991. 
The expression “theoretical red herring” (second sentence of the last paragraph of text 9A2-I) characterizes
Alternativas
Q2367203 Inglês
Text 9A2-I


          The words “theory” and “theoretical” evoke a variety of responses in language teaching and research circles, many of them, for different reasons, negative. For some, the negative response they feel is due to their having sat through conference presentations or read journal articles labelled “theoretical” which have consisted of a good deal of rhetoric, however eloquent, and very little substance. “Theoretical” here is mis-used, and just means “data-free”. For others, the particular theories that have received most “air-time” in the second language acquisition (SLA) literature until now have been uninteresting, wrong, or vacuous, leading them to be potentially hostile to any new ones. Still, others have no problem with theory in general (or think they don’t), but simply feel that work in SLA has not advanced far enough yet for theorizing to be productive.

         Those who subscribe to the last view — and they include several prominent figures in SLA — hold that because, in their opinion, we know relatively little about SLA, any theory we come up with at this stage is likely to be wrong. Hence, it will be counter-productive, in that many people will waste their time working on a theoretical red herring instead of discovering more facts about acquisition. In our view, while superficially reasonable, this shows that the purpose and value of theories in (social) science are still not widely understood in our field.


Diane Larsen-Freeman and Michal H. Long. An introduction to second language acquisition research. New York: Longman, 1991. 
In relation to theory, the authors of text 9A2-I
Alternativas
Q2367202 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The fragment “Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms” (last paragraph of text 9A1), conveys the idea that 
Alternativas
Q2367201 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The word “arguably”, in the excerpt “using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do”, (last paragraph of text 9A1) could be correctly replaced, maintaining the original meaning and correctness, with
Alternativas
Q2367200 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The expression “the jury’s still out on this” (second sentence of the last paragraph of text 9A1) means
Alternativas
Q2367199 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
In the sentence “However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur” (end of the first paragraph of text 9A1), the word “However” can be correctly replaced, without changing the meaning of the sentence and without harming its correctness, with
Alternativas
Q2367198 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The word “juggle”, used in the first sentence of text 9A1, means
Alternativas
Q2367197 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
Based on text 9A1, it is correct to affirm that immersing oneself in the foreign language environment might help because it
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Q2367196 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
According to text 9A1, bilingual speakers control the languages they speak by
Alternativas
Q2367190 História
A Primeira República (1889-1930) foi marcada pela presença de fortes movimentos sociais que expuseram a desigualdade social no Brasil. Com referência a esses movimentos, assinale a opção correta. 
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Q2367189 História
Imagem associada para resolução da questão


A juventude no Estado Novo. Internet:  <www.unicamp.br>.

A peça publicitária apresentada anteriormente, de 1940, faz parte de uma cartilha de propaganda do Estado Novo direcionada às crianças. A respeito das conexões entre propaganda, cultura e educação no Estado Novo, assinale a opção correta. 
Alternativas
Q2367188 História
Tomai o fardo do Homem Branco Envia teus melhores filhos Vão, condenem seus filhos ao exílio Para servirem aos seus cativos; Para esperar, com arreios Com agitadores e selváticos Seus cativos, servos obstinados, Metade demônio, metade criança.

Rudyard Kipling.O fardo do homem branco, 1899.

O poema apresentado, de 1899, demonstra parte do pensamento imperialista e neocolonialista. Considerando as palavras do poema no contexto do período histórico em que ele foi escrito, assinale a opção correta.
Alternativas
Q2367187 História
Em determinadas pesquisas, os índios aparecem como sujeitos ativos nos processos de colonização, agindo de formas variadas e sendo movidos por interesses próprios. A violência da conquista e da colonização não os impediu de agir, mobilizando as possibilidades a seu alcance para atingir seus interesses, que se transformavam com as novas situações vivenciadas.

Maria Regina Celestino de Almeida. Os índios na história do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: FGV, 2010, p. 10 (com adaptações).

No que diz respeito às formas de resistência indígena no Brasil colonial, assinale a opção correta.
Alternativas
Q2367186 História
A respeito das questões religiosas surgidas no século XVI na Europa, assinale a opção correta.
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Q2367185 História
Considerando o longo período de escravidão legalizada no Brasil e a consequente formação de uma sociedade com bases estruturais racistas, assinale a opção correta. 
Alternativas
Respostas
881: C
882: C
883: B
884: D
885: E
886: A
887: B
888: E
889: D
890: A
891: C
892: E
893: B
894: D
895: D
896: C
897: C
898: E
899: D
900: A