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O Prefeito do Município de Águas Turvas informa que há, na lei orçamentária anual, autorização para abertura de créditos adicionais, de natureza suplementar, até o limite de 25% (vinte e cinco por cento) do orçamento. Esclarece, ainda, que obteve autorização do Poder Legislativo, por meio de Projeto de Lei de sua iniciativa, para nova suplementação de crédito.
Com base na hipótese apresentada, assinale a opção que indica se a nova suplementação é válida e se deverá ser contabilizada dentro de limite de 25% (vinte e cinco por cento), que é o limite estabelecido na Lei Orçamentária Anual.
Com relação às despesas públicas, assinale (V) para a afirmativa verdadeira e (F) para a falsa.
( ) A amortização das dívidas e os respectivos juros serão classificados na categoria de despesas correntes.
( ) A compra de um imóvel pela prefeitura para a instalação de um órgão, sem aumento de capital, é considerada um investimento.
( ) Embora os gastos com inativos sejam considerados despesas de custeio, as despesas com pensionistas são consideradas transferências correntes.
As afirmativas são, na ordem apresentada, respectivamente:
Durante a realização da reforma de uma escola pública municipal, foi editada uma lei que obrigava os estabelecimentos públicos de ensino a ter aparelhos de ar condicionado em cada uma das salas.
Em função da edição dessa lei, surgiu a necessidade de aquisição de 20 aparelhos de ar condicionado para a escola, compra para a qual não havia dotação orçamentária específica na Lei Orçamentária Anual.
Em decorrência dessa situação, foi necessário(a)
A Lei Orçamentária Anual (LOA) é o orçamento propriamente dito, com vigência de 1 (um) ano, e compreende três orçamentos: o fiscal, o de investimento de empresas estatais e o da seguridade social, tendo, cada um deles, uma função específica.
Sobre o orçamento fiscal, assinale a opção que indica sua função específica.
O Prefeito Municipal encaminhou o projeto de lei orçamentária anual à Câmara Municipal. Para sua surpresa, no texto aprovado, foram anuladas, parcialmente, as despesas destinadas ao pagamento de pessoal, que permitiriam o cumprimento da lei municipal que aumentara os vencimentos dos servidores, a partir do exercício financeiro seguinte. Os recursos, por sua vez, foram destinados à implementação de programas sociais nas áreas de saúde e educação.
À luz da sistemática constitucional, o procedimento da Câmara Municipal está
O Prefeito do Município Alfa elaborou suas contas anuais de gestão, correspondentes aos atos praticados como ordenador de despesa, e solicitou informações à sua assessoria a respeito do órgão competente para julgá-las.
À luz da sistemática constitucional, é correto afirmar que essas contas
A população do norte do estado Alfa, insatisfeita com a grave crise econômica e a notória incompetência do governador do estado, aprovou, em plebiscito, o desmembramento do referido território do estado Alfa e sua incorporação ao estado Beta, o que também foi aprovado pela população deste último.
Ato contínuo, os governadores dos estados Alfa e Beta editaram ato conjunto sacramentando o desmembramento e a correlata incorporação.
À luz da sistemática constitucional, o referido procedimento está
João, servidor público municipal, foi informado que o novo regime jurídico da categoria (RJC), com o objetivo de prevenir atos de corrupção, dispôs que todas as comunicações telefônicas dos servidores passariam a ser gravadas e analisadas pela comissão de análise e monitoramento de ilícitos. Essa comissão, por sua vez, encaminharia peças de informação aos órgãos competentes sempre que identificasse indícios da prática de ilícitos.
Considerando a necessidade de o RJC ser compatível com a sistemática constitucional, a referida prescrição normativa é
Carlos, servidor público do Município de Niterói, exerce, em seu cargo, atividades de fiscalização que o fazem percorrer diariamente alguns quilômetros a pé.
Após um acidente de moto, Carlos passou por duas cirurgias e ficou várias semanas internado. Ao receber alta, teve a mobilidade reduzida, vindo a sofrer de intensas dores caso fique muito tempo em pé ou andando.
Com base no caso narrado, assinale a afirmativa correta.
Em relação ao Presidente da República e às suas atribuições constitucionais, assinale V para a afirmativa verdadeira e F para a falsa.
( ) No caso de infrações penais comuns, admitida a acusação contra o Presidente da República, por dois terços do Congresso Nacional, será ele submetido a julgamento perante o Supremo Tribunal Federal.
( ) Compete ao Presidente da República a escolha dos Ministros do Tribunal de Contas da União.
( ) O Presidente da República pode alterar a estrutura e extinguir órgãos públicos, desde que não haja aumento de despesa.
Na ordem apresentada, as afirmativas são, respectivamente,
Augusto Silva, candidato a vereador pelo Partido Ômega, ingressou na justiça para impedir a veiculação de matéria, em jornal de grande circulação, que relembra as acusações de desvio de verbas que lhe foram imputadas. O fato lhe rendeu um processo criminal, do qual foi inocentado por falta de provas, há mais de seis meses.
O candidato alega que, com o trânsito em julgado da sentença, não há mais interesse na divulgação da informação e que a matéria pode prejudicar sua campanha.
Sobre a hipótese narrada, assinale a afirmativa correta.
Em um saco há 10 fichas iguais na forma e no tamanho, porém de 4 cores diferentes: 4 são brancas, 3 são pretas, 2 são azuis e 1 é vermelha.
É correto afirmar que, retirando do saco, ao acaso,
TEXT II
Brazil's mega hydro plan foreshadows China's growing impact on the Amazon
by Jonathan Watts
Thu 5 Oct ‘17 06.45 BST
Last modified on Mon 27 Nov ‘17 15.56 GMT
The government wants to open up the Tapajós basin – an area the size of France – for trade with China. But the indigenous Munduruku won’t let it happen without a fight
This is the gateway to a land that indigenous inhabitants call Mundurukania, after their tribe, the Munduruku, which has settled the middle and upper reaches of the Rio Tapajós since ancient times. The thickly vegetated shores, misty hills and untamed waters – breached at one point by a dolphin – mark it out as one of the few regions of the planet still to be explored and exploited by industrial commerce.
The tranquillity is breathtaking, but misleading. These rapids are now on the frontline of one of the world’s most important struggles for indigenous rights and environmental protection. Long ignored, they are suddenly seen as a strategically crucial step between the nations with the world’s biggest farms – Brazil – and the world’s most numerous dining tables – China. Longer term, the changes now being planned could bring this waterway closer to the industrialised, traffic-filled Yangtze in more ways than one.
Over the coming years, the Brazilian government – backed by Chinese and European finance and engineering – wants to turn this river into the world’s biggest grain canal by building 49 major dams on the Tapajós and its tributaries.
This would make the rapids navigable by barges carrying produce from the deforested cerrado savanna of Mato Grosso – which produces a third of the world’s soya – up to the giant container port being planned in the closest city of Santarém and then out to global markets, particularly in Asia.
The network of dams would also produce 29gW of electricity, increasing Brazil’s current supply by 25%. A consortium headed by Furnas – a subsidiary of the state-run energy utility Electrobras – plans to sell the power to distant cities and to local mining companies that want to unearth the mineral riches under the forest.
For the Brazilian government, this mega-scheme to open up the Tapajós basin – which is roughly the area of France – is a linchpin of national economic development and trade with China. For local politicians, it is an opportunity to industrialise, expand and enrich the business of nearby cities, which expect their populations to double in size over the next 10 years.
For opponents, however, the “hydrovia” – as the river transport scheme is known – and related projects are the biggest threat ever posed to the native inhabitants, traditional riverine communities, waters and wildlife. By one estimate, 950,000 hectares of forest would be cleared, releasing significant amounts of carbon dioxide.
TEXT II
Brazil's mega hydro plan foreshadows China's growing impact on the Amazon
by Jonathan Watts
Thu 5 Oct ‘17 06.45 BST
Last modified on Mon 27 Nov ‘17 15.56 GMT
The government wants to open up the Tapajós basin – an area the size of France – for trade with China. But the indigenous Munduruku won’t let it happen without a fight
This is the gateway to a land that indigenous inhabitants call Mundurukania, after their tribe, the Munduruku, which has settled the middle and upper reaches of the Rio Tapajós since ancient times. The thickly vegetated shores, misty hills and untamed waters – breached at one point by a dolphin – mark it out as one of the few regions of the planet still to be explored and exploited by industrial commerce.
The tranquillity is breathtaking, but misleading. These rapids are now on the frontline of one of the world’s most important struggles for indigenous rights and environmental protection. Long ignored, they are suddenly seen as a strategically crucial step between the nations with the world’s biggest farms – Brazil – and the world’s most numerous dining tables – China. Longer term, the changes now being planned could bring this waterway closer to the industrialised, traffic-filled Yangtze in more ways than one.
Over the coming years, the Brazilian government – backed by Chinese and European finance and engineering – wants to turn this river into the world’s biggest grain canal by building 49 major dams on the Tapajós and its tributaries.
This would make the rapids navigable by barges carrying produce from the deforested cerrado savanna of Mato Grosso – which produces a third of the world’s soya – up to the giant container port being planned in the closest city of Santarém and then out to global markets, particularly in Asia.
The network of dams would also produce 29gW of electricity, increasing Brazil’s current supply by 25%. A consortium headed by Furnas – a subsidiary of the state-run energy utility Electrobras – plans to sell the power to distant cities and to local mining companies that want to unearth the mineral riches under the forest.
For the Brazilian government, this mega-scheme to open up the Tapajós basin – which is roughly the area of France – is a linchpin of national economic development and trade with China. For local politicians, it is an opportunity to industrialise, expand and enrich the business of nearby cities, which expect their populations to double in size over the next 10 years.
For opponents, however, the “hydrovia” – as the river transport scheme is known – and related projects are the biggest threat ever posed to the native inhabitants, traditional riverine communities, waters and wildlife. By one estimate, 950,000 hectares of forest would be cleared, releasing significant amounts of carbon dioxide.
TEXT II
Brazil's mega hydro plan foreshadows China's growing impact on the Amazon
by Jonathan Watts
Thu 5 Oct ‘17 06.45 BST
Last modified on Mon 27 Nov ‘17 15.56 GMT
The government wants to open up the Tapajós basin – an area the size of France – for trade with China. But the indigenous Munduruku won’t let it happen without a fight
This is the gateway to a land that indigenous inhabitants call Mundurukania, after their tribe, the Munduruku, which has settled the middle and upper reaches of the Rio Tapajós since ancient times. The thickly vegetated shores, misty hills and untamed waters – breached at one point by a dolphin – mark it out as one of the few regions of the planet still to be explored and exploited by industrial commerce.
The tranquillity is breathtaking, but misleading. These rapids are now on the frontline of one of the world’s most important struggles for indigenous rights and environmental protection. Long ignored, they are suddenly seen as a strategically crucial step between the nations with the world’s biggest farms – Brazil – and the world’s most numerous dining tables – China. Longer term, the changes now being planned could bring this waterway closer to the industrialised, traffic-filled Yangtze in more ways than one.
Over the coming years, the Brazilian government – backed by Chinese and European finance and engineering – wants to turn this river into the world’s biggest grain canal by building 49 major dams on the Tapajós and its tributaries.
This would make the rapids navigable by barges carrying produce from the deforested cerrado savanna of Mato Grosso – which produces a third of the world’s soya – up to the giant container port being planned in the closest city of Santarém and then out to global markets, particularly in Asia.
The network of dams would also produce 29gW of electricity, increasing Brazil’s current supply by 25%. A consortium headed by Furnas – a subsidiary of the state-run energy utility Electrobras – plans to sell the power to distant cities and to local mining companies that want to unearth the mineral riches under the forest.
For the Brazilian government, this mega-scheme to open up the Tapajós basin – which is roughly the area of France – is a linchpin of national economic development and trade with China. For local politicians, it is an opportunity to industrialise, expand and enrich the business of nearby cities, which expect their populations to double in size over the next 10 years.
For opponents, however, the “hydrovia” – as the river transport scheme is known – and related projects are the biggest threat ever posed to the native inhabitants, traditional riverine communities, waters and wildlife. By one estimate, 950,000 hectares of forest would be cleared, releasing significant amounts of carbon dioxide.
TEXT II
Brazil's mega hydro plan foreshadows China's growing impact on the Amazon
by Jonathan Watts
Thu 5 Oct ‘17 06.45 BST
Last modified on Mon 27 Nov ‘17 15.56 GMT
The government wants to open up the Tapajós basin – an area the size of France – for trade with China. But the indigenous Munduruku won’t let it happen without a fight
This is the gateway to a land that indigenous inhabitants call Mundurukania, after their tribe, the Munduruku, which has settled the middle and upper reaches of the Rio Tapajós since ancient times. The thickly vegetated shores, misty hills and untamed waters – breached at one point by a dolphin – mark it out as one of the few regions of the planet still to be explored and exploited by industrial commerce.
The tranquillity is breathtaking, but misleading. These rapids are now on the frontline of one of the world’s most important struggles for indigenous rights and environmental protection. Long ignored, they are suddenly seen as a strategically crucial step between the nations with the world’s biggest farms – Brazil – and the world’s most numerous dining tables – China. Longer term, the changes now being planned could bring this waterway closer to the industrialised, traffic-filled Yangtze in more ways than one.
Over the coming years, the Brazilian government – backed by Chinese and European finance and engineering – wants to turn this river into the world’s biggest grain canal by building 49 major dams on the Tapajós and its tributaries.
This would make the rapids navigable by barges carrying produce from the deforested cerrado savanna of Mato Grosso – which produces a third of the world’s soya – up to the giant container port being planned in the closest city of Santarém and then out to global markets, particularly in Asia.
The network of dams would also produce 29gW of electricity, increasing Brazil’s current supply by 25%. A consortium headed by Furnas – a subsidiary of the state-run energy utility Electrobras – plans to sell the power to distant cities and to local mining companies that want to unearth the mineral riches under the forest.
For the Brazilian government, this mega-scheme to open up the Tapajós basin – which is roughly the area of France – is a linchpin of national economic development and trade with China. For local politicians, it is an opportunity to industrialise, expand and enrich the business of nearby cities, which expect their populations to double in size over the next 10 years.
For opponents, however, the “hydrovia” – as the river transport scheme is known – and related projects are the biggest threat ever posed to the native inhabitants, traditional riverine communities, waters and wildlife. By one estimate, 950,000 hectares of forest would be cleared, releasing significant amounts of carbon dioxide.
Text II discusses issues related to the opening up of the Tapajós basin for trade. Based on the text, analyse the following statements:
I. The Brazilian government is willing to build the dams without any international investment.
II. Local politicians believe the project may bring economic development to the region.
III. There might be considerable environmental impact if the plan is carried out.
Choose the correct answer:
TEXT I
In Europe, Weber still rules
Statecrafting
Jul 13, 2016
Steven Van de Walle
True, many tools and management practices associated with the NPM such as staff performance talks or management by objectives have become very common. Across all countries, the almost 7000 top civil servants we surveyed list achieving results and ensuring an efficient use of resources among the most important roles they have. They are also in agreement that, compared to five years ago, the public sector has made major progress in terms of efficiency and service quality — two main objectives of the NPM.
There are ‘NPM champions’ — countries that have gone further than others in reforming the Weberian state. Think the UK or the Netherlands, where public employment is increasingly normalised, and delivery contracted out. But even there, the structures of traditional public administration remain firmly in place.
Some elements of the NPM are still mainly absent from current management practice in European countries. Internal steering by contract is not very common, and performance related pay is very rare despite the popularity in reform talk. The weak presence of flexible employment also shows that the Weberian model still dominates. Despite attempts to normalize public employment in some countries, civil servants still enjoy a unique statute. We also observed this during the fiscal crisis, where outright firing permanent civil servants or cutting salaries has been relatively rare.
For civil servants, referring issues upwards in the hierarchy is still the dominant response in situations when responsibilities or interests conflict with that of other organisations. European top civil servants consider the impartial implementation of laws and rules as one of their dominant roles, and largely prefer state provision of services over market provision, with the exception of the British, Danish, and Dutch.
There are clear country differences, with management ‘champions’ such as the UK, Estonia, Norway and the Netherlands, and more legalistic and traditional public administrations such as in Austria, France, Germany, Hungary and Spain. The adoption of newer reform ideas suggest that the Weberian state may now be in decline. Yet some of the other findings of the survey, reported above, show that Weberianism’s main ideas are still deeply embedded in European countries.
(Source: https://statecrafting.net/in-europe-weber-still-rulesa851866dbf02. Retrieved on January 21st, 2018)
TEXT I
In Europe, Weber still rules
Statecrafting
Jul 13, 2016
Steven Van de Walle
True, many tools and management practices associated with the NPM such as staff performance talks or management by objectives have become very common. Across all countries, the almost 7000 top civil servants we surveyed list achieving results and ensuring an efficient use of resources among the most important roles they have. They are also in agreement that, compared to five years ago, the public sector has made major progress in terms of efficiency and service quality — two main objectives of the NPM.
There are ‘NPM champions’ — countries that have gone further than others in reforming the Weberian state. Think the UK or the Netherlands, where public employment is increasingly normalised, and delivery contracted out. But even there, the structures of traditional public administration remain firmly in place.
Some elements of the NPM are still mainly absent from current management practice in European countries. Internal steering by contract is not very common, and performance related pay is very rare despite the popularity in reform talk. The weak presence of flexible employment also shows that the Weberian model still dominates. Despite attempts to normalize public employment in some countries, civil servants still enjoy a unique statute. We also observed this during the fiscal crisis, where outright firing permanent civil servants or cutting salaries has been relatively rare.
For civil servants, referring issues upwards in the hierarchy is still the dominant response in situations when responsibilities or interests conflict with that of other organisations. European top civil servants consider the impartial implementation of laws and rules as one of their dominant roles, and largely prefer state provision of services over market provision, with the exception of the British, Danish, and Dutch.
There are clear country differences, with management ‘champions’ such as the UK, Estonia, Norway and the Netherlands, and more legalistic and traditional public administrations such as in Austria, France, Germany, Hungary and Spain. The adoption of newer reform ideas suggest that the Weberian state may now be in decline. Yet some of the other findings of the survey, reported above, show that Weberianism’s main ideas are still deeply embedded in European countries.
(Source: https://statecrafting.net/in-europe-weber-still-rulesa851866dbf02. Retrieved on January 21st, 2018)
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