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Q2367231 Português
Texto 10A3-I


       Na escola, sem Bibiana ao meu lado para me ajudar, minha vida se tornou um tormento. Desde o início, minha mãe avisou à dona Lourdes, a nova professora, da minha mudez. Ela foi cuidadosa, no começo, e bastante generosa para me ensinar as tarefas. Àquela altura eu já sabia ler, graças muito mais aos esforços de minha irmã mais velha e minha mãe do que da professora sem paciência que dava aula na casa de dona Firmina. Para mim era o suficiente. Diferente de Bibiana, que falava em ser professora, eu gostava mesmo era da roça, da cozinha, de fazer azeite e de despolpar o buriti. Não me atraía a matemática, muito menos as letras de dona Lourdes. Não me interessava por suas aulas em que contava a história do Brasil, em que falava da mistura entre índios, negros e brancos, de como éramos felizes, de como nosso país era abençoado. Não aprendi uma linha do hino nacional, não me serviria, porque eu mesma não posso cantar. Muitas crianças também não aprenderam, pude perceber, estavam com a cabeça na comida ou na diversão que estavam perdendo na beira do rio, para ouvir aquelas histórias fantasiosas e enfadonhas sobre os heróis bandeirantes, depois os militares, as heranças dos portugueses e outros assuntos que não nos diziam muita coisa.

        Meu desinteresse só fazia crescer. Tinha a sensação de que perdia meu tempo naquela sala quente, ouvindo aquela senhora de mãos finas e sem calos, com um perfume forte que parecia incensar a escola nos dias de calor. Olhava para o quadro verde, as letras embaralhadas, bonitas, mas que formavam palavras e frases difíceis que não entravam em minha cabeça, e pensava em meu pai na várzea encontrando coisa nova na terra para a qual se dedicar, ou minha mãe cuidando do quintal, dos bichos, costurando.

Itamar Vieira Jr. Torto arado. São Paulo:
Todavia, 2019, p. 97-8 (com adaptações).
A sensação de opressão experimentada pela narradora na escola, retratada no segundo parágrafo do texto 10A3-I, é realçada pelo(a) 
Alternativas
Q2367227 Português
Texto 10A2-I


     Eu vi Olívia. Ela estava na última mesa, depois de algumas outras mesas ocupadas, sozinha, escrevendo. Em volta, um silêncio que as mesas barulhentas, os carros que passavam, as pessoas que corriam não podiam interromper. Ela escrevia sem fazer a menor ideia de que aquele era o meu lugar. Era onde eu me sentia melhor, era meu por obrigação de me sentir melhor. Onde eu me esquecia menos. Lembrar se tornou prioridade absoluta. Pensei: vou pedir que ela me devolva, ou que me ceda, para não ser agressiva, o lugar onde me sinto melhor. Tenho uma recomendação expressa de meu médico de me sentir melhor sempre que possível. E seria possível se ela saísse de lá e me deixasse sentar e folhear os livros do sebo, que tão bem me fazem quando me lembram de que sempre haverá outra realidade para onde me retirar. Pensei em ir até ela e pedir gentilmente que saísse, mas vi que se entregava consumida a uma escrita sem pausas.

       Eu vi Olívia. Meu Deus, como eu vi Olívia! Cabelo ruivo, olhos verdes, linda, linda, desconcertantemente linda e atenta a alguma coisa que borbulhava dentro dela. Talvez linda porque imersa em borbulhas. Não, definitivamente não apenas. Linda pelos olhos verdes, o cabelo ruivo e os dentes sem sombras. Linda pela larga atmosfera triste que emoldurava seus gestos. Vestia verde-oliva. Olívia e oliva combinavam. Ela sabia. Respirava como quem sabia. Ocorreu-me que ela seria capaz de coisas improváveis se eu interrompesse a frase que escrevia obstinada, fazendo com suas ideias o que alfinetes fazem com balões. Acho. Foi bom não ter certeza. Só avancei porque minhas certezas se evaporaram; eu não as tenho desde que envelheci. Continuei indo em sua direção, no meu passo de velha senhora. Eu já estava quase chegando, quase atravessando o silêncio de Olívia, quando ela parou e chorou. Fez com que eu parasse também, não podia pedir a alguém chorando que saísse de onde estava para que eu me sentisse melhor. Ela enxugou com o punho as lágrimas, que voltavam a escorrer desobedientes. Punhos oliva secando lágrimas transparentes, tudo enchia meus olhos ávidos de literatura. Ela relia o que havia escrito, chorava, e eu suspeitava que, por um segundo, um miserável segundo, também ria. Olívia chorava e ria. E eu fiquei ali, na fronteira entre o barulho e o silêncio, vendo aquela menina, seguramente uma menina se comparada a mim, suspender meu próprio caos como se fosse mágica.


Carla Madeira. A natureza da mordida. 1.a ed. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2022 (com adaptações).
O uso da próclise no trecho “sempre haverá outra realidade para onde me retirar” (penúltimo período do primeiro parágrafo do texto 10A2-I) é justificado pela seguinte regra: usa-se a próclise quando o pronome oblíquo é precedido por
Alternativas
Q2367224 Português
Texto 10A2-I


     Eu vi Olívia. Ela estava na última mesa, depois de algumas outras mesas ocupadas, sozinha, escrevendo. Em volta, um silêncio que as mesas barulhentas, os carros que passavam, as pessoas que corriam não podiam interromper. Ela escrevia sem fazer a menor ideia de que aquele era o meu lugar. Era onde eu me sentia melhor, era meu por obrigação de me sentir melhor. Onde eu me esquecia menos. Lembrar se tornou prioridade absoluta. Pensei: vou pedir que ela me devolva, ou que me ceda, para não ser agressiva, o lugar onde me sinto melhor. Tenho uma recomendação expressa de meu médico de me sentir melhor sempre que possível. E seria possível se ela saísse de lá e me deixasse sentar e folhear os livros do sebo, que tão bem me fazem quando me lembram de que sempre haverá outra realidade para onde me retirar. Pensei em ir até ela e pedir gentilmente que saísse, mas vi que se entregava consumida a uma escrita sem pausas.

       Eu vi Olívia. Meu Deus, como eu vi Olívia! Cabelo ruivo, olhos verdes, linda, linda, desconcertantemente linda e atenta a alguma coisa que borbulhava dentro dela. Talvez linda porque imersa em borbulhas. Não, definitivamente não apenas. Linda pelos olhos verdes, o cabelo ruivo e os dentes sem sombras. Linda pela larga atmosfera triste que emoldurava seus gestos. Vestia verde-oliva. Olívia e oliva combinavam. Ela sabia. Respirava como quem sabia. Ocorreu-me que ela seria capaz de coisas improváveis se eu interrompesse a frase que escrevia obstinada, fazendo com suas ideias o que alfinetes fazem com balões. Acho. Foi bom não ter certeza. Só avancei porque minhas certezas se evaporaram; eu não as tenho desde que envelheci. Continuei indo em sua direção, no meu passo de velha senhora. Eu já estava quase chegando, quase atravessando o silêncio de Olívia, quando ela parou e chorou. Fez com que eu parasse também, não podia pedir a alguém chorando que saísse de onde estava para que eu me sentisse melhor. Ela enxugou com o punho as lágrimas, que voltavam a escorrer desobedientes. Punhos oliva secando lágrimas transparentes, tudo enchia meus olhos ávidos de literatura. Ela relia o que havia escrito, chorava, e eu suspeitava que, por um segundo, um miserável segundo, também ria. Olívia chorava e ria. E eu fiquei ali, na fronteira entre o barulho e o silêncio, vendo aquela menina, seguramente uma menina se comparada a mim, suspender meu próprio caos como se fosse mágica.


Carla Madeira. A natureza da mordida. 1.a ed. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2022 (com adaptações).
A repetição do período “Eu vi Olívia.” no início do primeiro e do segundo parágrafos do texto 10A2-I demonstra o uso da figura de linguagem denominada
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Q2367215 Pedagogia
Segundo o que dispõe a Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) para o ensino de língua inglesa, o eixo Leitura aborda práticas de linguagem decorrentes da interação do leitor com o texto escrito e promove
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Q2367214 Pedagogia
Texto 9A3


        Como defende Hoffmann, a avaliação mediadora consiste no acompanhamento permanente, na observação, no contato direto entre alunos e professores e na real preocupação em mudar a forma de funcionamento das engrenagens da educação. Porém, a interpretação errônea que se tem desse tipo de avaliação a torna descartável logo que citada ou trazida à tona em reuniões, encontros, formações e outros tipos de eventos acadêmicos ou institucionais. O argumento utilizado pelos professores que estão presos às suas práticas conservadoras e positivistas se volta para a superlotação das salas de aula brasileiras, o que supostamente tornaria impossível conhecer cada um dos discentes mais profundamente e mediá-los individualmente durante cada encontro.

      Pelo que é apresentado por Hoffmann, nota-se como é vago o conhecimento dos discentes sobre a avaliação mediadora. Quando a prática não é situada, lacunas são observadas, as quais podem prejudicar, de forma considerável, o andamento e até mesmo a permanência dos alunos nas salas de aula. Algo que ilustra bem essa afirmação é o seguinte exemplo: em determinado ano letivo de quatro bimestres, um aluno consegue alcançar a nota máxima nos dois primeiros, em que foram trabalhados os conteúdos, por exemplo, de present simple e de verbo to be. No entanto, ao chegar ao terceiro e ao quarto bimestres do ano, o aluno se depara com o simple past e o past-perfect, e não consegue compreender nem produzir conhecimentos efetivos sobre esses tempos verbais. Contudo, conforme a atual lógica matemática das escolas tradicionais, o aluno somente precisa obter determinada nota média ao final do ano letivo. Como ele se saiu bem nos primeiros bimestres, ele é aprovado pela média, porém com certos espaços incompletos, pois os outros dois conteúdos que não foram bem construídos e apreendidos pelo estudante não são retomados. Isso pode ser totalmente danoso, principalmente no que se refere à aprendizagem de um idioma, que requer prática e construção progressiva. Assim, a escola foi imprudente e negligenciou o aprendizado do aluno, simplesmente entendendo que os números conquistados por ele foram suficientes para sua avaliação, o que se mostra totalmente inadequado por desconsiderar as dificuldades que o aluno teve nos últimos bimestres.


Internet: <https://editorarealize.com.br/>(com adaptações).
Com base no texto 9A3, é correto afirmar que a essência da avaliação mediadora é
Alternativas
Q2367213 Pedagogia
Texto 9A3


        Como defende Hoffmann, a avaliação mediadora consiste no acompanhamento permanente, na observação, no contato direto entre alunos e professores e na real preocupação em mudar a forma de funcionamento das engrenagens da educação. Porém, a interpretação errônea que se tem desse tipo de avaliação a torna descartável logo que citada ou trazida à tona em reuniões, encontros, formações e outros tipos de eventos acadêmicos ou institucionais. O argumento utilizado pelos professores que estão presos às suas práticas conservadoras e positivistas se volta para a superlotação das salas de aula brasileiras, o que supostamente tornaria impossível conhecer cada um dos discentes mais profundamente e mediá-los individualmente durante cada encontro.

      Pelo que é apresentado por Hoffmann, nota-se como é vago o conhecimento dos discentes sobre a avaliação mediadora. Quando a prática não é situada, lacunas são observadas, as quais podem prejudicar, de forma considerável, o andamento e até mesmo a permanência dos alunos nas salas de aula. Algo que ilustra bem essa afirmação é o seguinte exemplo: em determinado ano letivo de quatro bimestres, um aluno consegue alcançar a nota máxima nos dois primeiros, em que foram trabalhados os conteúdos, por exemplo, de present simple e de verbo to be. No entanto, ao chegar ao terceiro e ao quarto bimestres do ano, o aluno se depara com o simple past e o past-perfect, e não consegue compreender nem produzir conhecimentos efetivos sobre esses tempos verbais. Contudo, conforme a atual lógica matemática das escolas tradicionais, o aluno somente precisa obter determinada nota média ao final do ano letivo. Como ele se saiu bem nos primeiros bimestres, ele é aprovado pela média, porém com certos espaços incompletos, pois os outros dois conteúdos que não foram bem construídos e apreendidos pelo estudante não são retomados. Isso pode ser totalmente danoso, principalmente no que se refere à aprendizagem de um idioma, que requer prática e construção progressiva. Assim, a escola foi imprudente e negligenciou o aprendizado do aluno, simplesmente entendendo que os números conquistados por ele foram suficientes para sua avaliação, o que se mostra totalmente inadequado por desconsiderar as dificuldades que o aluno teve nos últimos bimestres.


Internet: <https://editorarealize.com.br/>(com adaptações).
A principal crítica feita no texto 9A3 à abordagem tradicional de avaliação nas escolas diz respeito à
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Q2367212 Inglês
No ensino da língua inglesa, o tratamento da produção escrita como processo pode beneficiar os alunos ao 
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Q2367211 Pedagogia
No contexto do ensino de língua inglesa em escolas públicas, o tratamento da produção escrita como um processo contínuo e reflexivo caracteriza-se por
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Q2367210 Inglês
A língua, como ferramenta essencial da comunicação, não apenas reflete a diversidade cultural, mas também desempenha um papel ativo na construção e expressão da identidade social. Em sociedades multiculturais, a linguagem é frequentemente moldada por influências culturais diversas, refletindo a riqueza e a complexidade das interações sociais. Assim, a dinâmica entre língua, cultura e sociedade é um processo interativo, no qual a língua não é somente um meio neutro de comunicação, mas um reflexo e um agente ativo na construção da realidade social.

Assinale a opção que melhor sintetiza a relação entre língua, cultura e sociedade apresentada no fragmento de texto precedente. 
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Q2367209 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
Choose the option that presents a correct rewriting of the sentence “It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do” (sixth sentence of the last paragraph of text 9A2-II), maintaining the original meaning and grammar correctness. 
Alternativas
Q2367208 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
In relation to the vocabulary and grammatical features of text 9A2-II, choose the correct option.
Alternativas
Q2367207 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
Choose the option that presents a conclusion which can be correctly drawn from the story reported by the announcer in the fragment ‘one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths’ (sixth sentence of the first paragraph of text 9A2-II).
Alternativas
Q2367206 Inglês
Text 9A2-II


     As I was driving, the snow had started falling in earnest. The light was flat, although it was midmorning, making it almost impossible to distinguish the highway. I turned on the radio to help me concentrate on the road ahead; the announcer was talking about the snow. “The state Highway department advises motorists to use extreme caution and to drive with their headlights on to ensure maximum visibility.” He went on. “The state highway supervisor just called to say that one of the plows almost hit a car because the person driving hadn’t turned on his ligths.” I checked, almost reflexively, to be sure that my headlights were on.

      How can information serve those who hear or read it in making sense of their own worlds? How can it enable them to reason about what they do and to take appropriate actions based on that reasoning? My experience with the radio illustrates two different ways of providing the same message: the need to use your headlights when you drive in heavy snow. The first offers dispassionate information; the second tells the same content in a personal, compelling story. The first disguises its point of view; the second explicitly grounds the general information in a particular time and place. Each means of giving information has its role, but I believe the second is ultimately more useful in helping people make sense of what they are doing. When I heard the story about the plow, I made sure my headlights were on.

      In what is written about teaching, it is rare to find accounts in which the author’s experience and point of view are central. A point of view is not simply an opinion; neither is it a whimsical or impressionistic claim. Rather, a point of view lays out what the author thinks and why. The problem is that much of what is available in professional development in languageteacher education concentrates on telling rather than on point of view. The telling is prescriptive, like the radio announcer’s first statement. It emphasizes what is important to know and do, what is current in theory and research, and therefore what you — as a practicing teacher — should do. But this telling disguises the teller; it hides the point of view that can enable you to make sense of what is told.


Donald Freeman. Series Editor’s preface. In: P. R. Moran. Teaching culture: perspectives in practice. Boston (MA): Heinle, 2001 (adapted). 
According to the author of text 9A2-II,
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Q2367205 Inglês
Text 9A2-I


          The words “theory” and “theoretical” evoke a variety of responses in language teaching and research circles, many of them, for different reasons, negative. For some, the negative response they feel is due to their having sat through conference presentations or read journal articles labelled “theoretical” which have consisted of a good deal of rhetoric, however eloquent, and very little substance. “Theoretical” here is mis-used, and just means “data-free”. For others, the particular theories that have received most “air-time” in the second language acquisition (SLA) literature until now have been uninteresting, wrong, or vacuous, leading them to be potentially hostile to any new ones. Still, others have no problem with theory in general (or think they don’t), but simply feel that work in SLA has not advanced far enough yet for theorizing to be productive.

         Those who subscribe to the last view — and they include several prominent figures in SLA — hold that because, in their opinion, we know relatively little about SLA, any theory we come up with at this stage is likely to be wrong. Hence, it will be counter-productive, in that many people will waste their time working on a theoretical red herring instead of discovering more facts about acquisition. In our view, while superficially reasonable, this shows that the purpose and value of theories in (social) science are still not widely understood in our field.


Diane Larsen-Freeman and Michal H. Long. An introduction to second language acquisition research. New York: Longman, 1991. 
About the semantic and grammatical features of text 9A2-I, choose the correct option.  
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Q2367203 Inglês
Text 9A2-I


          The words “theory” and “theoretical” evoke a variety of responses in language teaching and research circles, many of them, for different reasons, negative. For some, the negative response they feel is due to their having sat through conference presentations or read journal articles labelled “theoretical” which have consisted of a good deal of rhetoric, however eloquent, and very little substance. “Theoretical” here is mis-used, and just means “data-free”. For others, the particular theories that have received most “air-time” in the second language acquisition (SLA) literature until now have been uninteresting, wrong, or vacuous, leading them to be potentially hostile to any new ones. Still, others have no problem with theory in general (or think they don’t), but simply feel that work in SLA has not advanced far enough yet for theorizing to be productive.

         Those who subscribe to the last view — and they include several prominent figures in SLA — hold that because, in their opinion, we know relatively little about SLA, any theory we come up with at this stage is likely to be wrong. Hence, it will be counter-productive, in that many people will waste their time working on a theoretical red herring instead of discovering more facts about acquisition. In our view, while superficially reasonable, this shows that the purpose and value of theories in (social) science are still not widely understood in our field.


Diane Larsen-Freeman and Michal H. Long. An introduction to second language acquisition research. New York: Longman, 1991. 
In relation to theory, the authors of text 9A2-I
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Q2367202 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The fragment “Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms” (last paragraph of text 9A1), conveys the idea that 
Alternativas
Q2367201 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The word “arguably”, in the excerpt “using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do”, (last paragraph of text 9A1) could be correctly replaced, maintaining the original meaning and correctness, with
Alternativas
Q2367200 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The expression “the jury’s still out on this” (second sentence of the last paragraph of text 9A1) means
Alternativas
Q2367199 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
In the sentence “However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur” (end of the first paragraph of text 9A1), the word “However” can be correctly replaced, without changing the meaning of the sentence and without harming its correctness, with
Alternativas
Q2367198 Inglês
Text 9A1


        Research into how multilingual people juggle more than one language in their minds is complex and sometimes counterintuitive. It turns out that when a multilingual person wants to speak, the languages they know can be active at the same time, even if only one gets used. These languages can interfere with each other, for example intruding into speech just when you do not expect them. And interference can manifest itself not just in vocabulary slip-ups, but even on the level of grammar or accent. “From research we know that whenever a bilingual or multilingual is speaking, both languages or all the languages that they know are activated,” says Mathieu Declerck, a senior research fellow at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels. “For example, when you want to say ‘dog’ as a French-English bilingual, not just ‘dog’ is activated, but also its translation equivalent, so ‘chien’ is also activated.” As such, the speaker needs to have some sort of language control process. If you think about it, the ability of bilingual and multilingual speakers to separate the languages they have learned is remarkable. How they do this is commonly explained through the concept of inhibition — a suppression of the non-relevant languages. However, when this control system fails, intrusions and lapses can occur. For example, insufficient inhibition of a language can cause it to “pop up” and intrude when you are meant to be speaking in a different one.

        Tamar Gollan, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California San Diego, has been studying language control in bilinguals for years. Her research has often led to counterintuitive findings. She explains that when mixing languages, multilinguals are navigating a sort of balancing act, inhibiting the stronger language to even things out — and sometimes, they go too far in the wrong direction. “When bilinguals are mixing languages, it seems like they inhibit the dominant language so much that they actually are slower to speak in certain contexts. I think the best analogy is: imagine you suddenly become better at writing in your non-dominant hand. We have been calling this reversed dominance.” Reversed dominance effects can be particularly evident when bilinguals switch between languages in a single conversation, says Gollan.

          Navigating such interference could perhaps be part of what makes it hard for an adult to learn a new language, especially if they have grown up monolingual. One thing that might help is immersing yourself in the environment of the foreign language. “You are creating a context in which you are strongly holding back this other language, so that gives room for the other (new) language to become stronger,” says Matt Goldrick, a professor of linguistics at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. “When you return from that immersion experience, hopefully you can better manage that competition,” he adds. “That competition will never go away, you just get better at managing it.”

           Managing competition is certainly something that multilinguals do tend to have a lot of practice in. Many researchers argue that this brings them certain cognitive advantages — although it is worth noting that the jury’s still out on this, with others saying their own research does not show reliable evidence for a bilingual cognitive advantage. In any case, using languages is arguably one of the most complex activities humans learn how to do. And having to manage multiple languages has been linked to cognitive benefits in many studies, depending on task and age. Some studies have shown bilinguals perform better, for example, in activities when participants have to focus on counterintuitive information. Speaking multiple languages has also been linked to delayed onset of dementia symptoms. And of course, multilingualism brings many obvious benefits beyond the brain, not least the social benefit of being able to speak to many people.


Internet: http://www.bbc.com/ (adapted).
The word “juggle”, used in the first sentence of text 9A1, means
Alternativas
Respostas
11681: A
11682: B
11683: C
11684: B
11685: E
11686: B
11687: D
11688: D
11689: E
11690: C
11691: C
11692: B
11693: D
11694: E
11695: B
11696: E
11697: D
11698: A
11699: C
11700: E